l^- .'^\tpi. 1*^ f* 1^. m m ^
I*; mi* i^ m "^ ^
*\Pll^ W^ fe^ #^ ^ ^t. .$ : - ^- ^
^\W\i^:W.:^^- ■#. # r *: i^" >:' '
W,W^ m H^ # ^' ^'^ . '^" ^' ■^'' ■'■■ ■ ' ■ ^:.%^,^'. .m ^ #. 'ii it' ^ M' %; W V m •,
^^■; ;#■ r* ^ %■ ^' ^ ^: f-" '-^ ■ --^ ^.- '-'^ - ^ - ■''
^ , > ^^ t-^ ^. ^^ :
^- ^v^ *;>• ^' *• W ^ %• j|. ^- ^ ^' '^^
f- h
P >
1^^ ^ t" *:
*^ fe
'1^" ^- t
'1^ nt \
" ^^ . ,:^- z^. -i?^^ #/ m la % 'fe' 1^: '*' V* •#' ■
•r:^. 'W. f^-. ii.. ^ ^■. %.' -k 't,-^^"
^: *'• .II-
^ ■«• * ■ I
:> >^ f" ^^■ l;
I ■ \
^. i;
,«^ > t ^' li'
^- 0^- m :ii ife;
:\ >■; w p: ■)-.
. .... ^. ..... .I- ^ .l^ ^
*_ w .-^: #^; :^' .f^,' iV -^i -^
Ih '^i %
t 1^ V
p- % p jf^, 'i^- .#.,;.^' .t
' .Jk^; >: ;^ )i' ".^ »t:' j»'
\ * k. % k' •»■ M" k' '
I:* fe 1^ fii^^ iic it*^ %• ^.
ll.l*.i#^ il »i^ iM^ . ,.
\.^^^J^.^
t
4;
floK \k,i ^ ..«-. Vi. >-k .. ^. • vi * ^ ^
,m
%»
i
liii
ii
W
ii
v
-.\
/.
3 0'
.^^"
vxV
»>■
A^'
,^
sV
|
."^ |
> •; |
|||
|
\- |
«. |
|||
|
- |
* |
|||
|
% |
||||
|
.\- |
||||
|
o |
||||
|
•> |
||||
|
.0' > |
||||
|
*.■ |
o 0^
rj. y
,•%
v^-
xV
,\
v\'
<o'
K^^.
A- N
~ .0' A
oV
^^^^
>%
■ \
,A
-^-^
A'
A~
V^'
■Y,
■V
■A^' ■'■
/'.
^A S^^
X 'I'.,-
^^
• u
• o-
vV •/
-' S^"" "^^^
-^^
%.<^
WRITINGS
OF
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
NEW VORK • BOSTON • CHICAGO • DALLAS ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO
MACMILLAN & CO., Limited
LONDON • BOM DAY ■ CALCUTTA MELBOURNB
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd.
TORONTO
•J
(
'>>-.-r.'fc„ ■,;.,!
oc^^^r^^o A . b I Hx
^//
PA^Xyi^U^ -^ cl A/]A1 ■ff
WRITINGS
OF
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS
EDITED BY WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD
VOL. II 1796-1801 /
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
All righti rturvtd
■Az/
.»•_
■4 • \1
Copyright, 1913, By CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.
Set up and electrotyped. Published September, 1913.
liorfaiooti Iprtcs
J. 8. CuBhlnp Co. — Berwick <fc Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
0
PAGE
CONTENTS
1796
July 2. To THE Secretary of State . . . . i
Discharge of sailors by American captains. The case of Parish and United States citizens for consuls. Im- portance of having responsible men.
July 21. To John Adams ...... 3
Delivery of the Western posts. Prospects of war and peace. Conduct of Dumas. Objections raised to the Jay treaty. Paine's pamphlet against it. French treat- ment of Sweden, Denmark and the Italian states. Desires regarding the United States. British navigation laws.
August 12. To Enoch Edwards ..... 14
Speculation on object of English journey. Relations between France and the United States. Rivalry be- tween France and Great Britain. Gaiety of Paris. Universal peace.
August 13. To John Adams ...... 17
His attitude on the presidential election. Corsica. Activity of French agents in neutral states. Decree on neutral ships. Rumored appointment of Mangourit as minister to the United States. Paine and attacks upon Washington. Foreign relations of France. Orders to seize neutral ships. Aims to revolutionize the world. Internal enemies. Minister to Denmark.
August 13. To Sylvanus Bourne 28
Employment of French soldiers on American ships.
vi CONTENTS
PAGE
August 21. To THE Secretary of State ... 29
French plan to ruin Great Britain. English mission to Berlin and Vienna. Cutting off British commerce.
October 2. To Joseph Pitcairn 32
French respect for neutral rights. Spain and France.
October 3. To Rufus King 33
Maritime law of Great Britain. Case of a German vessel.
November 4. To the Secretary of State . . -35
Comments on letter from Committee of Foreign Affairs. Dutch loans to America. Urged to war against Great Britain. Interview with Van Leyden. United States and a navy.
November 13. To Joseph Pitcairn .... 40
Reciprocal obligations between the United States and France. Ignorance upon character and sentiments. Jefferson's policy.
November 25. To John Adams 43
His own position and prospects. Books for Harvard College and American Academy. Washington's farewell address. Noel on the Dutch constitution.
November 25. To Johan Luzac 49
Cause of Washington's retirement. Will send the address.
November 29. To William Cranch . . . • 5^
Course of events in the Netherlands. Inconsistencies in conduct of the French.
December 2. To Joseph Pitcairn S3
Jefferson's foreign policy. Neutrality the true one. Alonroe's recall and refusal of address.
CONTENTS vil
PAGE
December 15. To Sylvanus Bourne .... 56
Meaning misinterpreted. A question of commissions. Hypothecation of United States debt.
December 22. To Sylvanus Bourne .... 59
Soothes fears on break in relations between France and the United States. Faction and its corrective.
December 22. To Joseph Pitcairn ..... 61
Refusal of French Directory to receive Pinckney. Monroe's position. Recall of Adet.
December 22. To Willinck, Van Staphorst and Hub- bard 63
Prolongation of interest payment. Rumors and prices of American stock.
December 24. To John Adams ..... 64
Presidential election and Europe. American securities.
December 30. To John Adams 66
French policy towards the United States. Withdrawal of Malmesbury.
1797
January 10. To Joseph Pitcairn 70
Monroe's address and reply of Barras. French aid to the United States. Complaints of France.
January 13. To Joseph Pitcairn 74
Monroe's position. Trade with Great Britain. Power of England. Pinckney's rejection.
January 14. To John Adams 77
American elections. Correspondence with State and Treasury Departments. Advantage of reciprocal com- munications. Speeches of Alonroe and Barras. Policy for the United States. Total want of provocation. The Jay treaty. French intrigues in United States. Com-
viii CONTENTS
PAGE
position of the Directory. Political systems of Europe and America.
January 20. To the Secretary of the Treasury . 89
Punctuality of remittances from the United States. The Antwerp payments. Sale of bills proposed. Op- position of bankers. March needs.
January 31. To Joseph Pitcairn 93
Intelligence from the United States. Temper of the people. Senators and the Jay treaty. Washington's address. Commerce with France and French maritime power. A proposed pamphlet. Turgot's memorial.
February i. To the Secretary of State ... 99 Efforts of France to reduce power of the United States.
February 3. To John Adams ...... loi
Results of the election in the United States. Jeflferson in the second place. Americans in Europe. Maritime weakness of France. Effect of an embargo.
February 7. To John Adams 107
Monroe in The Hague. Has returned to Paris. French influence in the Netherlands.
February 8. To Abigail Adams 109
Pretended translations of Washington's address. At- tacks upon his character. French influence in the elec- tions. Election of Otis to Congress,
February 9. To Rufus King . . . . . .111
Neutral trade and French policy. The United States must fight or submit. Movements of Monroe.
February 9. To Joseph Hall . . . . . • 113 Treatment of Pinckney by the French Directory. Marine and colonies.
February 10. To Joseph Pitcairn , . . . .114 Supporting the national character. The West Indian
CONTENTS ix
PAGE
colonies. Embargo removed for France in 1794. Grati- tude of the French Republic. Plundering commerce.
February 11. To George Washington . . . .119 Sword made in Solingen. His address and appoint- ments.
February 16. To John Adams 121
French secrecy and mystery. Determination to in- tercept commerce with Great Britain. Lafayette and his friends.
February 17. From the Secretary of State . . 123
Incloses commission to Portugal. Imports of flour. Brazil and its commerce. Unwarranted consular fees. Consulate at Lisbon. Negotiations with the Barbary powers.
February 20. President Washington to John Adams 125
Merited promotion should not be withheld from his son. High opinion of qualifications for service.
February 23. To John Adams 126
Treatment of Monroe and Pinckney. Policy of France and Randolph's disclosure. Expeditions from the United States against other powers. Colonel Fulham. Suspending commerce with Great Britain. Want of power in France. War with Great Britain.
March 3. To Joseph Pitcairn 132
France intends destruction of American government. Paine's letter to Washington.
March 4. To John Adams I35
Rumored instructions to Adet. An appeal to the people Intended. What the opposition proposes to do.
March 9. To Joseph Pitcairn 137
Ministers under a party influence. Peace and renewal of intercourse. Loyalists and the French party. Eng-
X CONTENTS
PAGE
lish interests in the United States. Trade in the event of war.
March iS. To John Adams 142
Time of the election. Taking American vessels from British ports, and its meaning. Declaring war. Treat- ment of Luzac.
March 24. To the Secretary of the Treasury . . 144
Opposition of bankers to sale of bills. Their political connections. Personal interests. Pamphlet on Van Staphorst.
March 26. To the Secretary of the Treasury . -147
Decree of the French Directory, Price of United States stock in London.
March 30. To John Adams 148
Election news from the United States. New decree of France on American commerce. Its policy and source of influence. Treaty articles not applicable. Monroe's return. Theremin's pamphlet.
March 31. To Joseph Pitcairn ..... 152
\^ Conciliation with France and national dignity.
Plundering of the people. Basis of decree examined. Not found in the treaty. Spanish policy.
April 3. To John Adams . . . . . . -155
V
Intentions of France upon the United States. Plan of a western republic. Paine preparing to return to
A
menca.
April 8. To the Secretary of State .... 157
Message to Congress on France. Pickering's state- ment of relations between the two countries.
April 30. To John Adams 159
Has received instructions to go to Lisbon. Speeches at the inauguration. The Directory disallows pass-
CONTENTS xt
PACK
ports. Monroe's relations with the Directory. Nego- tiations with Spain and Pinckney's refusal to divulge treaty.
May 2. To Joseph Pitcairn 163
Conduct of French consul at Algiers. Falsehoods in government papers. The decree on commerce. Charge of ingratitude. Madison as envoy extraordinary.
May II. To John Adams 165
Madison's mission. Pinckney ready to yield. Monroe and Paine.
May 20. To John Adams 167
Lying newspaper articles. Peace between France and Austria. Abbe Arnoux. France apparently determined to quarrel. Buonaparte. Abuse of private letters and conversations.
May 23. To Joseph Pitcairn 170
Translation of Pickering's letter. As to union with England. Segur's article and its omissions.
June I. Commission to Prussia ..... 173
June I. Powder to negotiate Treaties w^ith Sw^eden . 174
June 20. Address to National Assembly . . '175
June 7-19. To John Adams I77
His brother at Paris. Character of French legislative Councils. Arrival of Murray. Intelligence from Lis- bon. Desire to return to America.
July 2. To John Adams ....... 181
Pastoret's motion on French decrees. Parties in the United States. Dislike of British treaty. His examina- tion of complaints. Support to Pastoret's motion. The Directory and Italy. Neutrality of small states.
July 6. To Abigail Adams ...... 184
Pinckney acting with prudence. Depredations on
FAGS
xii CONTENTS
commerce in the West Indies. Report of Barbe de Mar- bois on expenses of foreign relations.
July 7. To William Vans Murray . . . .186
Barbe de Marbois' report. Voluntary^l^loan in the Netherlands.
July 15. Instructions for Prussia .... 188
July 29. To Abigail Adams 192
His transfer from Lisbon to Berlin. Bache's criticisms. Jefferson's letter to Mazzei. Appointment of Gerry. Portrait by Copley.
August I. To Charles Adams 196
Publication of official papers. Comments of Bache and Livingston.
August 31. To John Adams 198
Misconduct of Yrujo. '■ Letter, of Senator Blount. Prussia ready to receive him.
September 11. To John Adams 199
Events in France. Military government approach- ing. Writers for the Directory. Theremin, Paine, Madame de Stael and Constant. Preeminence of Barrere. Comments on his pamphlets. Montesquieu on confederations. Carat's Memoirs. Death of Burke. Cicero and Burke compared.
September 19. To John Adams 207
Burke's pamphlet examined. Sovereignty of the people and insurrection. French ambitions in America.
September 21. To John Adams 210
Rupture of negotiations with England. Sieyes and Merlin de Douai. An English revolution. War on mankind. Course of the French revolution. The future.
CONTENTS xiii
PAGE
October 26. To William Vans Murray . . .217
Conduct of Yrujo. Monroe and Pickering. Battle of Camperdown.
October 31. To the Secretary of State . . . 218
Alterations in proposed treaty. Neutral rights. His journey to Berlin. Release of Lafayette.
November 10. To the Secretary of State . . . 221
Prussian Ministers of Foreign AflFairs. Question of his reception by the King. The minister from Malta.
November 24. To William Vans Murray . . . 223
The commission to France and its probable rejection. War with that country. Citizen Hahn's complaints. French influence over Holland.
December 6. To the Secretary of State . . . 229
Has been received by the King. Conditions under which it occurred.
December 16. To John Adams 231
His journey to Berlin. Difficulty over his credentials. Accession of a new king and the Ministers of Foreign Affairs. Relations of Prussia with other countries,
1798
January 9. To Abigail Adams 234
French policy towards the United States. January 15. To the Secretary of State . . . 236
Citizen Caillard on American policy. His explanation of the Jay treaty. Hostile legislation of France.
January 27. To William Vans Murray . . . 240
Reasons urged for the French law. Inaction of the northern powers. Relations with Caillard. Rumors from Natchez and Charleston. Appointment of Thomas PInckney. Treachery from principle. Hamilton's vin- dication. Peace with Holland. A loan to France.
xiv CONTENTS
PAGE
January 31. To John Adams ...... 247
Former acquaintances among the diplomatists. Ad- vances from Denmark. Caillard. Troubles of Prince Reuss and the Austrian position. Maritime ambition of France. Policy of the United States. Gouverneur Morris and his mission.
February 5. To Abigail Adams 253
Rejoices that he was not sent to France. Personal malignity shown by the Directory. Attacks upon per- sonal character. Hostile laws against the United States.
February 17. To John Adams ...... 255
The French theo-philanthropists. Intrigues in politics. Protests against the new law on neutral rights. Diplo- matic appointments.
February 19. To the Secretary of State . . . 257
Count Haugwitz on the French law. Alternatives presented. Agreement with position of the United States. Expressions of respect.
February 20. To Elbridge Gerry ..... 260
Regrets probable failure of mission. An alliance with England. Effect of the new attack on neutral com- merce.
February 22. To Abigail Adams ..... 261
Publications by Monroe and Fauchet. Porcupine's criticisms. Falsity of Fauchet's certificate to Randolph. Hamilton's defence and Monroe's conduct.
February 25. To John Adams 263
The northern powers against the French law on neutral rights. Prospects of a concerted action. Posi- tion of Prussia. America may not be suffered to remain a neutral power.
March 6. To William Vans Murray .... 265 Diplomatic relations of Holland to the United States.
CONTENTS XV
PAGE
Tallien's motion and its effect. Arming of merchant vessels. A defensive policy the right one. Influence of reason.
March 8. To the Secretary of State .... 267
Tallien's motion and speech. Possible influence of Sonthonnax. French interpretation of the opposition of the northern powers. Mutual want of confidence.
March 20. To William Vans Murray .... 270
Possibility of resisting the French. No confidence among northern powers. Rivalry between France and Great Britain. France anti-colonial and her colonies ruined. Real power in armed force.
April II. To William Vans Murray .... 273
Return of Commissioners. Measures of defence neces- sary. Jealousy of a naval establishment. Debate in Congress on the foreign missions. Charges against Pinckney. Anarchy and royalism in France. The Danish flag.
April 15. To John Adams 275
Question of foreign missions. French party against the President. Failure of the Commissioners to France. Gerry's position. Uniform for ministers.
April 19. To William Vans Murray .... 278 Gerry's unfortunate position. Political views of a "grey." Matter of foreign missions.
April 27. To William Vans Murray .... 280 Division of the French commission. France not yet ready for war with the United States. Gerry already defeated.
May 4. To Abigail Adams 283
Gerry and the French policy towards the United States. No settlement with France possible. What has occurred in Europe.
xvl CONTENTS
PAGE
May 17. To the Secretary of State .... 285
Swedish minister on the Jay treaty. Neutral property and practice of the powers. Pretensions of Great Britain. Combination of neutrals.
May 25. To THE Secretary of State .... 288
Will comply with instructions on neutral commerce. Authorities on the subject. Erroneous views held of the Jay treaty. The negotiations with Sweden. Interview with Count Haugwitz. The commission to France. No combination of northern powers. Reasons for French decree. Publicity and the danger.
May 25. To William Vans Murray .... 295 Gerry's dangerous position. Attitude of Congress.
May 30. To Abigail Adams . . . . : . . 296
Publication of the Commissioners' despatches. French newspapers on the members. Letters to Priestley by Stone and Williams. Change in the Directory.
June 7. To William Vans Murray .... 298
Publication of despatches and the cases of Araujo and Malmesbury. Defensive policy the better. Pennsyl- vania legislature. Embargo by France on packets. Mountflorence.
June 18. To the Secretary of State . . . -303
Stipulation in treaty on neutral rights. The Swedish approach. French press opinion. Fleet from Toulon. Russia and Denmark. Congress at Rastadt. Mission of Prince Repnin. Recall of Caillard. An offer of ser- vice. Mountflorence.
June 19. To William Vans Murray .... 309
Talleyrand's reply a lame defence. Not ready for a rupture.
June 22. To Abigail Adams 310
Attempted defence by Talleyrand. Charges against
CONTENTS xvii
PAGE
the Commissioners. Demands names of X, Y and Z. Gerry's position. Questions raised by letter. Agency of Talleyrand proved. Extraordinary mode of receiving the Commissioners. The demand for a loan. Publica- tion of the papers. Desire for peace asserted, but doubted.
June 25. To the Secretary of State .... 321 Rage against the President. French intelligence.
June 27. To Abigail Adams ...... 323
As to publishing the despatches. The French party in the United States. An alliance against the existing government. Monroe on intrigue. Treatment given to Holland, Italy and Switzerland. Rumored appoint- ment of Sotin.
July 3. To William Vans Murray 329
Dedem's letter. A publication by Bellamy. His in- consistencies. French appointments to the United States. Criticism of Murray's reply to Dutch.
July 7. To William Vans Murray .... 332
Has presented his new credentials with Sieyes and others. Ceremony of taking homage. Private letters disregarded.
July 14. To William Vans Murray .... 336 England's embargo on trade with France. The West Indies and formal war.
July 16. To THE Secretary of State .... 337 Presentation of his credentials. Memorial on treaty with Prussia. Alterations proposed. American vessels excluded from Havre.
July 17. To William Vans Murray . . . -3 39 Comment upon proposed line of conduct. A question of morality. As to Gerry. Identity of Y and Z.
xviii CONTENTS
PAGE
July 22. To William Vans Murray .... 343
The fate of Europe and American participation. The United States forced to become military. Internal government and external relations.
August II. To William Vans Murray .... 345
Publications on the Commissioners. France no more friendly. Objections to the members of commission. Resolve of the President. Dr. Logan's arrival.
August 14. To William Vans Murray .... 349
Logan's mission. Privateering in the West Indies.
August 15. To William Vans Murray . . . -350 Policy of French government. Logan and Hichborn.
August 22. To THE Secretary of State . . . 352
Delay in commercial treaty. French decree on neutral navigation. Reply to Prussian remonstrance.
August 31. To Sylvanus Bourne ..... 354
French dispositions for peace. Apparent concessions and real aggressions. Talleyrand's change in language.
September 3. To the Secretary of State . . • 357
Sailing of Gerry. Logan's arrival and mission. Pacific dispositions.
September 4. To William Vans Murray . . .359
Washington's acceptance of command. Capture of French armed vessels authorized. French treaties dis- solved. Challenge to war.
September 14. To Abigail Adams 360
Proper spirit shown at home. Change of tone in France. Dupont's assertion. System unaltered. Lo- gan's progress and acts. French embargo on American vessels raised. Privateering.
CONTENTS xix
PAGE
September i8. To William Vans Murray . . . 365
Duplicity in Logan's reception. Schimmelpenninck's conduct.
September 25. To John Adams ..... 367
Pacific dispositions of France. No evidence of change of purpose. Rights of neutrality still violated.
October i. To the Secretary of State . . . 369
Note on the negotiations with Prussia.
October 2. To William Vans Murray .... 371
Attempt to dictate who shall be envoy to France. American robbers born.
October 6. To the Secretary of State .... 372
Professions on the part of France. Murray's conduct. October 6. To William Vans Murray .... 373
Tortuous policy of Talleyrand's negotiation. On re- fusing to hear ministers of peace.
October 20. To William Vans Murray .... 374
His negotiations with Pichon. Solemn mission should come from France. Reasons for mystery and desire for peace.
October 29. To George Washington .... 377
Sends letter from a relation. Expressions of respect and gratitude.
December 8. To William Vans Murray . . . 379
Andrews and Hichborn. Attack of Eustace on Monroe. Monroe's book.
December 24. To the Secretary of State . . . 380
Purchase of muskets denied. Reduction in Swiss duties on American goods. Island of St. Bartholomew.
December 31. To the Secretary of State . . . 382 Points in the negotiations with Prussia on neutral
PAGE
XX CONTENTS
rights. Alternatives offered. Papers for ascertaining neutrality of vessel. Haugwitz on France.
1799
February 9. To William Vans Murray .... 386
War in Italy and its consequences. Hichborn's rec- ommendation and views. Directory on privateering.
February 10. To John Adams ..... 388
Prospects of a general war. Mission of Thomas Gren- ville. Directory and reconciliation with the United States. Question of sea prizes. Opinion of Thule- meyer. Letter from Blumenstein.
February 23. To William Vans Murray . . . 392 Treaty approaching completion. Hichborn.
March 2. To William Vans Murray .... 393
Character of the French journals. The message and strength of the opposition.
March 5. To William Vans Murray .... 394 A cousin Vans. Course of John Higginson.
March 26. To William Vans Murray .... 396
Lafayette's character and intentions. Elections and Marshall on alien law.
March 30. To William Vans Murray .... 398
Virginia and Kentucky resolutions. Logan's narrative and Lafayette.
April 2. To William Vans Murray .... 400
Joel Barlow's letter and past conduct. France swal- lows the weak. Sieyes mentioned for the Directory.
April 9. To William Vans Murray .... 402
Pickering on Gerry. Decree on ships' papers. Vir- ginia minority report on alien law.
CONTENTS xxl
PACE
April 10. To John Murray Forbes . . . . 404
French arrets on neutral rights. Enlarged powers of Directory. Probability of reconciliation.
April 14. To THE Secretary of State .... 406 The President's speech. An explanatory decree. Decline of the privateering party.
April 15. To RuFus King 4^9
Nomination of a new commission to France. Signs of a change in French policy. Prospects of a favorable negotiation. Approves the new commission.
April 16. To William Vans Murray .... 412 Nomination to France and its rejection. Capture of a French frigate.
April 27. To William Vans Murray .... 414 The French press on the new commission. The English interpretation. Henry and Ellsworth.
May 4. To William Vans Murray . . . -4^5
Indemnities from France. Trade with the French West Indies.
May 7. To Abigail Adams ...... 416
Important news from America. The negotiation with France and sea power. Pennsylvania insurrection. Misrepresentations of the United States by English and German writers. Larochefoucault-Liancourt.
May 14. To William Vans Murray .... 419 Coolness towards the mission to France. Cobbett's abuse.
May 18. To William Vans Murray .... 420 Comments by the French press.
May 25. To Rufus King 4^1
Insurrection and national power. Success of the new mission to France. Sieyes in the Directory.
xxil CONTENTS
PAGE
June 22. To William Vans Murray .... 423
Directory desires peace with America. Hahn and Kant. Incorruptibility of Sieyes.
July 2. To RuFUS King 425
An English peace embassy.
July 3. To Abigail Adams ...... 426
The election in Virginia. Question of national defence. McKean's candidacy in Pennsylvania. Cobbett's argu- ment. Case of young Fenno. The new commission to France. French defeats.
July 9. To Thomas Boylston Adams . . . -432
Cobbett's merits and errors. The mission to France. Changes in government in that country.
July 15. To RuFus King ...... 435
Men, not system, changed in France. Little confidence in ruling party. As to sending Lafayette to the United States.
November 19. To Joseph Hall ..... 438
Defence of the mission to France. On consulting the cabinet. French military successes. New revolution at Paris.
December 10. To William Vans Murray . . . 442
Cobbett's attack on the mission. Effect on Monroe's election. Hopes for final approval.
December 15. To William Vans Murray . . . 444
Pickering's opposition to mission and censure of lan- guage. Federal jacobinism.
December 20. To William Vans Murray . . . 445
Rochefoucault-Liancourt's dislike of Pickering. Mod- eration of the President.
CONTENTS xxiii
PAGE 1800
January 6. To William Vans Murray .... 446
No pretext for refusing to negotiate with France. The new and old French constitution.
January 14. To the Secretary of State . . . 447
Proposal for frigates in the Mediterranean. Sug- gested purchase of St. Bartholomew. Death of Count Finckenstein.
January 25. To William Vans Murray . . . 448
Recall of Russian troops. Powers of President and consul. Arrival of Beurnonville.
February 4. To William Vans Murray . . . 450
Progress of the Commissioners. English policy. Death of Washington.
February 11. To William Vans Murray . . -451
American intelligence on commission. Change of opinion. Washington's death confirmed.
March 8. To the Secretary of State .... 454
Commissioners are in Europe. Prospects of success flattering. French tribute to Washington.
May 25. To Abigail Adams : 455
Has translated "Oberon." Dr. Priestley on French revolution. His theory on cause of prosperity. Rejec- tion of his political ideas.
June 12. To Abigail Adams ...... 460
Orations on Washington. Webster's letter to Priestley. Power of the consul. Better treatment of neutral nations. A Council of Prizes.
June 16. To Friedrich Gentz ..... 463
Commends his account of the revolution in America.
xxiv CONTENTS
PACE
July II. To Thomas Boylston Adams .... 464
Electioneering and party professions. Cooper's trial and character. Cabinet changes and the French mission. Napoleon as a hero.
September 15. To William Vans Murray . . . 468 His passage through Silesia. French project of an armed neutrality. Politics and the Essex junto.
October 30. To William Vans Murray .... 471
Congratulation on issue of negotiation. As to publish- ing account of tour. Effect of the success of the mission. Has brought peace. His diplomatic grade.
November 11. To the Secretary of State . . . 474 An armed neutrality. Position of Prussia.
November 15. To the Secretary of State . . . 476
Napoleon wishes not for war with the world at once. Effects of this policy.
November 22. To Rufus King 477
England approves convention with France. General dislike of Great Britain. Incident of a Prussian vessel.
November 25. To John Adams ..... 479
His approaching rejection by the people. Position in retirement. Ignorance of opposition on Europe. Indemnity from France. Changes in four years. An honorable peace secured.
December 3. To Thomas Boylston Adams . . . 484
Division in the federalist party. Importance of neu- trality. Faction and unlimited democracy.
December 20. To Thomas Boylston Adams . . . 486
Dissension in the President's cabinet. Confidence in the President.
CONTENTS XXV
PAGE
December 27. To Thomas Boylston Adams . . . 488
Approval of the President's course. Benefits returned with injuries. Offers financial aid.
December 30. To Thomas Boylston Adams . . . 490
Pamphlets by Coxe and Hamilton. Both factions against the President.
1801
January 10. To William Vans Murray . . . 491
France and the armed neutrality. Publications by Coxe and Hamilton. His profiles.
January 17. To William Vans Murray .... 494
Changes in Massachusetts politics.
January 27. To William Vans Murray .... 494
Hamilton's attack and ambitions. The French mis- sion fully justified. Armed neutrality and territorial compensation. Their first meeting.
January 31. John Adams to John Marshall . . 498
Recall of John Quincy Adams.
February 7. To Rufus King 498
America and the armed neutrality.
February 14. To Thomas Boylston Adams . . . 499
Condition of society in Europe. Need for armies. Permanent army not necessary in the United States.
February 21. To the Secretary of State . . . 502
England and the armed neutrality. Policy of the United States. Purposes of the leagued powers. Jeal- ousy among them.
February 24. To William Vans Murray . . . 506
Attitude of Europe towards the United States. Burr's possible election.
xxv'i CONTENTS
PAGE
March 7. To Thomas Boylston Adams . . . 509
Senate's rejection of a part of the convention with France.
March 10. To Abigail Adams . . . . . .510
Death of Charles Adams. Retirement of his father. Policy of the new administration. Expects an early re- call. Importance to America of northern Europe. Prospects of war. Measure of Napoleon.
March 17. To William Vans Murray . . . • 5^5
Consolation for treatment of the convention with France. Restoration of public vessels. Situation of the federal party.
March 21. To the Secretary of State . . -517
American sailors in Russia. Interview with the Russian representative at Berlin.
March 21. To Thomas Boylston Adams . . . 520
Publication of Gentz's essay. Commends the Port- folio. His own contributions and treatment. Poems. The convention with France, Politics in the Port- folio.
April 7. To William Vans Murray .... 525
Issue of the election. Jefferson or Burr. Question of Louisiana and the Floridas.
April 14. To Abigail Adams ...... 527
Situation of his father. Hamilton's pamphlet. His own recall. Pennsylvania and Massachusetts.
April 25. To John Adams . . . . . -531
Sends a pamphlet. Mention of Louisiana and Floridas.
WRITINGS
OF
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS
WRITINGS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE No. 72 [Timothy Pickering]
The Hague, July 2, 1796. Sir :
• ••••••
In my letter to Mr. Randolph of April 2, 1795, I mentioned a complaint of Mr. Bourne that several American captains had in the midst of the preceding winter discharged their sailors, and thereby thrown many of them upon the streets to suffer the extreme severity of an unexampled season, or to depend altogether upon the consul for relief. The dif- ference in the current rate of mariners' wages between the American and European prices was the temptation which induced some captains to a conduct so inhuman and iniqui- tous, and the sailors who suffered in consequence of it were so numerous, that I then took the liberty to recommend the subject to the attention of the Secretary of State, as deserving the special provision of a remedy to the evil. I have heard no further complaints against Mr. Parish, since I had the honor to write you from London in answer to your favor of November 23, 1795.^ The occasion in which |I presume the disposition to complain against him had orig- inated is past, and it is probable that his character as a Brit- ish subject and agent is the principal, if not the only objec- tion against his continuing to hold the office of American consul. The objection if resolved into this general one, that he is not a native, nor even a citizen of the United States,
1 See Lodge, Lije and Letters of George Cabot, lojn. VOL. n — B I
2 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
I freely confess in my mind is of great weight. Indeed the consular office appears to me, in the particular situation of the United States, to be of importance sufficient to deserve the particular attention of the government. Our com- mercial relations with all the maritime nations are already very considerable, they must increase in due proportion with the growing prosperity of the country. The admis- sion of our navigation into the Mediterranean will soon en- large its extent still more. As we have no political connec- tions with the interest of Europe in many of its states, the consul will be the only officer to protect and defend the inter- ests of our citizens against the impositions and frauds, to which strangers are everywhere peculiarly liable. In times, of maritime war the experience of the present time abun- dantly proves, that an object no less interesting than the peace itself of the United States may essentially depend upon the conduct of their consuls. I believe I hazard nothing in saying, that if the conduct of all the American consuls during the last three years had been distinguished for integrity, veracity, and impartiality, or even neutral- ity towards the belligerent powers, our commerce would have been much less harrassed by their depredations. / am sure it would have been more favorably regarded in the Courts of Admiralty, to which the laws of nations assign the decisions in cases of neutral capture.
It is therefore important upon similar occasions, which we may with confidence expect will often recur among the nations of Europe, our consuls should be responsible 7nen, and as their temptations at such periods to depart from the line of their duty prescribed by the neutrality of the nation they represent, must necessarily be greater, it is alike im- portant that they should be impartial men, of settled prin- ciples and of strict integrity. These requisites are not easily
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 3
to be secured from strangers to our government and nation. They cannot be hoped for from the subjects or citizens of a
belligerent power.
. • • • •
I have the honor &c.
TO JOHN ADAMS
The Hague, July 21, 1796. My Dear Sir :
Your favor of May 19th has lately been transmitted to me from England, and relieved me from some anxiety I had entertained for the fate of my letters written at London, as it mentions the receipt of them all to the middle of Feb- ruary. Since then I trust you have received three more from England, and there are now on the passage two written since my return here.
I have a letter from one of my friends at Boston, dated June 7th, but it contains no politics, nor indeed a word relative to any public affairs. The impatience of expecta- tion, they say, always increases in proportion to the prox- imity of the object to be attained. I now think almost day and night upon the delivery of the Western posts. My letters from England speak very confidently upon the sub- ject, and I have been equally confident myself that they would be delivered, if the House of Representatives did not prevent it by first violating the treaty in the refusal to concur for its execution. But I now hope for the event as anxiously as it is dreaded by all the Gallo-Americans, and those who direct their conduct and dictate their opinions.
Not that I consider this event as taking altogether away the danger of our being yet involved in the war that still rages in Europe; for I am apprehensive that the present
4 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
prevailing system of the French government is, that we must be drawn into it at all events ; and as long as men who court popularity in America, dare to speak openly of their devotion to the interests of France as they have done for years back, and lose none of their influence by the bare- faced avowal of such a partial foreign attachment, I shall always dread the danger of seeing the whole weight of that influence directed towards an object pernicious to our best interests.
Upon the occasion of the crisis produced by the proceed- ings of the House of Representatives on the treaty with Britain, the sentiments of the people on the question of war or peace were again brought to a test, and again they discovered their adherence to their true interest. But varium et mutahile is the popular voice even in America. What was its language, what its professions six months ago .'' What will they be six months hence ? While the people of the United States suffer themselves to be made the instru- ments of men acting under the impulse of a foreign power, while they will be played upon by springs which lose not their efl&cacy by detection, who shall answer for that per- manency of wisdom and firmness which alone can preserve them from the vortex of war, towards which they are con- tinually impelled ?
The French government know perfectly well the aversion to war which is so strongly felt by the American people, and as they found their influence in that country upon their popularity, they have never avowed the desire of involving us in the war, but on the contrary have occasionally denied it most explicitly. The conduct of Genet in this particular must be fresh upon the mind of everyone ; but I have had again and again the strongest assurances from members of their government and persons connected with it, that they
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS S
were fully satisfied with our neutrality, and do not wish us to depart from it. At the same time they omit no oppor- tunity to stimulate our resentment against Britain, and the other day, during the interval, while it was believed our House of Representatives would annul the treaty with Britain, the French Minister here, and his agents, as well as the members of the present government here, all ap- peared convinced that we must go to war with Britain, and adapted all their conversations to that expectation. The tone is totally changed since the resolve in the House on the subject has been ascertained.
On this occasion I think it necessary to mention to you that our old friend D[umas] appears to be retained in the service of the French Republic as he was in that of the Mon- archy. He is as much devoted, if not as useful, to the Citizen Noel, as he ever was to the Duke de la Vauguyon,^ or to the Marquis de Verac. The old man is extremely miserable, and thinks he has no wish left but to die. But his passions and his prejudices are as strong as they could have been in the flower of youth, and the little judgment that he ever had to control them has abandoned his old age. He is acting a part between the French Minister and me which he would find it difficult to justify, either as a pensioner of the United States, or as an old personal friend of yours and of myself. He imagines I am not aware of it, and I must so far do his heart the justice to believe that he is not altogether aware of it himself. I shall take care to let it do no harm, and indeed I believe I have put an end to it already.
The interval between the information of the several resolutions in the House of Representatives on the 17th of April against the treaty, and on the 30th of the same
1 Antoine Paul Jacques d« Quelen, Due de la Vauguyon (1706-1772).
6 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
month to execute it, give rise indeed to many observations in my mind. The contents of the Treaty have been well known here these nine or ten months. Its material stip- ulations had been known from common report many months before. The merchants had procured the information with their usual industry by means of their English correspond- ents, and the essential articles were often accordingly mentioned by them as being fully understood. But never until the period of the interval above mentioned was a syllable of dissatisfaction at the treaty or any of its contents uttered by any person in this government, though several of them would certainly not have been backward to express it had they felt any. Then however the lesson ready conned was repeated, and intimations were conveyed to me that umbrage was taken here at two of the stipulations. The one that free ships should not make free goods, and the other that prizes captured by Dutch vessels should not be sold in the ports of the United States.^ The objections are curious, when their own allies have not observed the former principle though specially bound by a previous treaty so to do, and when the latter, if it had been expressly secured to them as a right, could have been of no possible utility to them; since so far from taking prizes on the coast of the United States, they can get none but such as a tempest occasionally drives upon their own. But the nature of the complaints serves to show from whence they came, the liveries indicated to whom they belonged. Since the resolution of April 30 is known, all is silent again, and I have not heard a word more of their hopeful objections. I may add one circumstance more. One of the ablest men among them, a
* Art. 25 applies to " any foreign privateers (not being subjects or citizens of either of the said parties) who have commissions from any other Prince or State in enmity with either nation."
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 7
man who has some independence In his spirit and whom I believe to be a friend to the United States, has plainly hinted to me that the expectation and hope of a war between the United States and Britain was very sanguine among his colleagues, and that they drew from it inferences in which he believed they would be mistaken. I have heretofore written to you that Mr. Paine was writing a pamphlet against the Treaty. It was announced with some emphasis some months ago, but has not yet appeared. I have the fact from the very best authority, from Mr. Pinckney im- mediately after his return to London through Paris, where he saw Paine, When he mentioned the circumstance I did not disguise my feelings on the subject. I told him "I thought it rather late in the day (it was after the ratifications were known to have been exchanged) for Mr. Paine to publish such a pamphlet, considering that he lived as an inmate in Mr. Monroe^ s housed Mr. Pinckney replied that he thought so too, that he was sorry for the circumstance, and " that it gave uneasiness to Mr. Monroe. But that when THOMAS PAINE took a thing into his head, he did not know anybody on earth that could dissuade him from it."
But the French government wish us to go to war, not for them, but on our own account ; they wish to have the benefit of our opposition to their enemy, without being clogged with any stipulations to assist us ; to use us in the present war as their Court used the Dutch in the last. This being very decidedly the case, I shall now only relate to you the con- duct they have recently held towards other neutral powers, from which we may learn what course of policy zve may expect from them.
In Sweden the object was to produce a war with Russia, which of course would, under the present alliance of the lat- ter with Britain, become a war between Sweden and Britain.
8 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
The business had been conducted very far towards an issue, and the appointment of General Pichegru as the Ambassa- dor of the Republic in Sweden indicates that military talents were the principal qualities considered as requisite for that mission. But before the necessary preparations could be made the Russian Cabinet assumed a tone and a conduct which defeated them entirely. The Swedes for a day or two talked of war, but the plain fact was it was coming upon them sooner than they had expected, and before they were ready. The gauntlet of war was thrown down by the Empress, and thirty thousand men were on their march into Finland. The terms prescribed as an indispensable con- dition for the continuance of peace were imperious and hu- miliating to the highest degree. But resistance was vain ; the example of Poland was recent, before their eyes, and un- qualified submission was the only means of averting a similar fate. You doubtless saw among the English papers which I sent you a note delivered by the Russian Charge des Affaires, assigning the reasons for which his Court had re- fused to receive the Swedish Minister sent to notify the in- tended marriage of the King. The authenticity of that note has been very formally denied by the Swedish Government, but I believe it is not doubted by any body else. The King's marriage is in fact broken off, though it had been notified to all the Courts, and the usual congratulations had been returned by some of them.^ Pichegru after accepting the French Embassy to Sweden resigned it a few days after, and the Baron de Stael has leave to absent himself from Paris. He was to present the Baron de Rehausen (a young man who had been in disgrace at the Regent's Court for some
^Gustavus IV (1778-1837) was about to be betrothed to the Grand Duchess Alexandra, granddaughter of Catharine II, but was prevented by his refusal to allow her to worship according to the rites of the Greek Orthodox Church.
17961 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 9
concern real or supposed in the affair of Armfeldt ') to be the charge des affaires during his absence. The Directory re- fused to receive him as flatly as the Empress had refused the Ambassador sent to notify the royal marriage. Here the matter now rests, and the fairest prospect of Sweden is that of having only to bear a public insult from France for having been too weak to contend with Russia.
The Danish government hitherto has been more fortunate by keeping itself more reserved from both parties. The intrigues of both have been equally active there as In Sweden, but the prevalence and firmness of the Count de Bernstorff have hitherto happily steered between them. The Dutch vessels that I mentioned in my last letter as having been cut out of the port of Bergen have been restored by the orders of the British Government, and upon this occasion there are two observations that occur to me as worth mentioning. The first is, that the justice so speedily, so completely, so unusually, and I add upon very good authority, so unex- pectedly rendered by the British government to the com- plaints from that of Denmark affords a proof that they are beginning to perceive the necessity of treating with some decency the representations of the neutral powers, and gives us good reason to expect that they will pay more regard to ours than they have heretofore. In this Instance the satis- faction was complete, for the captain of the frigate who cut out the Dutch vessels was obliged by the orders of his own government to conduct them back to the place from which he had taken them. The other observation Is, that the event of this affair has not given much satisfaction to the present rulers here. The restoration of their vessels was a thing about which they cared very little. But an oppor-
' Gustaf Mauritz, Count Armfeldt (1757-1814), who plotted to overthrow the regency in Sweden after the death of Gustavus III.
lO
THE WRITINGS OF I1796
tunity to hope for a war between Denmark and Britain was a precious thing. They do not like to lose it. They valued the pretext much more than the property.
But the principal subject deserving our reflections is the treatment which the neutral Italian states are suffering from the victorious general of a French army, which has pene- trated into the heart of that country, and which they are as unable to resist as Sweden was that of Russia. The manner in which the Genoese and Venetian territory was occupied, notwithstanding the opposition of their governments, has been mentioned before, and Buonaparte's threat of burning Verona. He has since imposed a contribution upon the Republic of Lucca, and obliged it to furnish him with arms. I observed to you in my last letter that the Tuscan govern- ment would be very much under the French influence. You will doubtless see in the public papers what has recently taken place in that territory. It is not yet eighteen months since the neutrality of the Grand Duke ^ was recognized and confirmed by the French republic in a solemn treaty. But Buonaparte has not only taken his march towards Rome through the Tuscan territory ; he has| taken possession of Leghorn, and under his order the French Consul has laid his hands upon all the property belonging to the subjects of the sovereigns at war with France that was to be found in the city. The English it seems had such intimations, or such fears of this event, that they just made out to remove a great part of their property by water before he surprised the town. He arrested the Governor of Leghorn, and de- mands his punishment of the Grand Duke, at the same time affecting to assume great merit and complaisance in not having himself ordered him to be tried by a military com- mission. In short the whole of these proceedings, none of
* Ferdinand III, son of Leopold II.
17961 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS ii
which have been disavowed by the Directory, deserve the very attentive consideration of Americans as neutrals. They shew in the clearest light how the French under their present government are disposed to treat those of their friends whom they have in their power. You know whether my general sentiments are tinged with a partiality favorable to Britain ; but I shall not disguise my opinion that in the respect for neutral powers her late conduct in the instance above related towards Denmark, is very much to her honor when compared with these proceedings of France. For this singular conduct in the Tuscan territory not the shadow of a reason is offered. Buonaparte gives his accounts of it to the Directory as a matter of course ; he tells it even with the same kind of exultation, that the exterminations at Lyons, Nantes, and numberless other places within the French Republic, used to be announced about two years ago.
One great object doubtless intended by the seizure of Leghorn was the acquisition of plunder. The spoils of war have become a very serious and important concern to France, for she has scarce any other means left of maintain- ing her armies. But another point of essential consequence is the pursuit of the plan which I mentioned to you in my last letter, of excluding the British navigation, warlike and com- mercial, from the Mediterranean. A third object which they hoped to attain by these measures is to force the Italian states into a war with Britain, and indeed it seems not easy to see how the British Government can av^oid one with Tuscany, after having made war against their own allies the Dutch for being under French influence, after they found themselves unable to defend them against French invasion.
From all the circumstances I have related, and from the general conduct of the French government in all its Protean
12 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
shapes from the days of Vergennes to the present, I am con- vinced their influence will be indefatigable in fomenting all the passions in America hostile to Britain. They are not at present in a very good humor with us, and I suspect would scruple very little to treat us as they have Tuscany, Venice, Genoa and Lucca, if we were as much in their power. They have it in their power to treat us as they have Sweden, and I should not be much surprised to see them uncivil to us, if an occasion should present itself. How far the temper they now bear towards the American government has been excited and is now stimulated by the conversation and con- duct of Americans in Paris, I shall not undertake to say. I have already more than once observed to you that there are things fit for the relation of any voice but mine.
There are, however, in these same events some grounds upon which to found the hope for the security of our neu- trality during the remainder of the war. The exclusion of the British from the Mediterranean, or at least from the Italian ports, in all probability must continue as long as the war will last. This is an object of great consequence, as it will afi"ect not only their commerce, but even their manu- factures. It will certainly contribute to distress the nation, and in proportion as they lose their friends (I mean the nations with whom they maintain the intercourse of peace,) those that remain to them must become the more valuable in their estimation. They will therefore treat them with more deference, and will at least abate their injuries if not their insolence. It will be an advantageous opportunity for our government to urge with peculiar force not only justice for the future, but satisfaction for the past. I have no doubt but if properly urged it will be with effect. The British will I think be cautious not to repeat their offences, and they will be more compliant in the reparation of those
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 13
already committed. The recent instance in the case of Denmark affords a clear proof of fact to support what appears so rational in speculation. If their navigation should be excluded from Italy, as I think it must be, ours having just obtained admittance there will naturally be- come the carrier of the trade, which will probably continue, because it is highly necessary for both parties. This will perforce burst another thread of their navigation laws. It will prepare them for that sort of liberality in their future commercial negotiations with us which they have not yet exhibited. They will feel the necessity of our friendship, and will accordingly observe a more friendly line of conduct. With all the attachment of my countrymen for France I believe they have too much sense and virtue, as well as knowledge of their own interest, to be either persuaded or bullied by her into a war for her benefit, when it has certainly become on her side a war merely of conquest and plunder, provided no new cause of resentment and irritation be given them by the future conduct of Britain.
In writing to you I never know when to finish. I have now exhausted only a single subject, and there are others both of a public and private nature upon which I intended when I began this letter to make several observations. I must now be content to postpone them for a future oppor- tunity, having only time to add the usual assurances of grateful affection from your son.^
^"The intention of the president to retire at the expiration of his present term of service, I fear is unquestionable from what is mentioned in your letter. I have many reasons to regret the circumstance. I do not assent entirely to the opinion very prevalent in Europe, that the destinies of the United States depend solely upon that man, but I really deem his continuance in office, at present, of great importance to their welfare. As long as our neutrality shall not be placed beyond all possible danger, I shall always believe the weight of his character and influence ver>- neces- sary to secure it." To Christopher Gore, July 26, 1796. Ms.
"In one of the recent debates, Mr. Hahn, being then President of the Assembly
14 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
TO ENOCH EDWARDS »
The Hague, August 12th, 1796. Dear Sir :
Since I wrote you last I have had the pleasure of receiving your letter of June 20th. I duly estimate the prudential motives which induced you to forbear writing me previous to that date, and regret that so simple an errand as that upon which I went to England, and upon which I had so repeatedly and so frequently conversed with you, should have given
and one of the men who from the beginning of the revolution has been among the most distinguished and influential characters, made a speech in which he said that a federal government was an absurdity, a mere creature of imagination, a contradic- tion in terms. That government implies a controling power, and federalism several controling powers, which must be always different from and sometimes opposed to it. That in the necessary conflict of equal powers, one or the other of them must be destroyed, or both must be made ineffectual. He would not even allow that the present government of the United States could be considered as exhibiting a ref- utation of his opinion, but attributed the present state of their Union to the personal character and influence of the President." To the Secretary of State, July 17, 1796. Ms.
" The Massachusetts choice of Senators is excellent [Theodore Sedgwick and Benjamin Goodhue], but the loss of such a man as Mr. Cabot is very much to be regretted. I presume that his not being rechosen must have been the consequence of his own determination. I remember hearing his brother observe last winter, that he was resolved to retire at the expiration of his term. Mr. Strong must have resigned to make the second vacancy. These retreats and resignations may per- haps prove the spirit and independence of the men, but they will encourage rather than disappoint the malevolence of that factious spirit, which begins to steep itself in so much bitterness in our country. You remember one of Fauchet's precious confessions is, that the attack against Mr. Hamilton in the spring of 1794 was meant to induce his retirement by disgusting him, if he could not be displaced, by a charge of mal-administration, and you recollect with what sympathy of regret he mentions the failure of both the intentions. It is a regular standing policy of the party, and the number of resignations among the firmest and most valuable men, gives reason to lament that it is in one particular successful." To Joseph Hall, August 7, 1796. Ms.
'The quality of the "intelligence" given by Edwards may be seen in Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, H. 79.
T796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 15
the trouble of speculation to some, or should not have been looked on goodnaturedly by others. As I have long since, very much to my satisfaction, been relieved from all agency whatever of a public nature in that country, I can have no motive of public utility or of private curiosity, to inquire who the some were that speculated, and the others that were not good-natured. With you I conversed with great freedom and sincerity on the subject, and I must do both you and myself the justice to say that I have had no occasion to regret my confidence. Where there is nothing to conceal, candor is perhaps the best shield.
I learn with much concern that the residence of Paris is not so pleasant for Americans as it has been. What the ultimate effect that the agreement of the House of Repre- sentatives to carry into effect the treaty will be, I am equally with yourself unable to guess. I most sincerely hope that not only the peace, but the cordial harmony between the United States and France, will not be interrupted because I am deeply convinced that its preservation is equally bene- ficial to the people of both nations, as well as to the interests -of general humanity ; and because I am equally persuaded, that with prudence and that mutual spirit of patriotism which you describe in such glowing colors as prevailing in France, and which I hope prevails with equal ardor in every part of America, it may be preserved.
That the war goes on with great spirit on the part of France is, as you observe, known and felt by all Europe. I do not thoroughly understand what you mean by the ex- pression that she will not stop until she has materially altered the condition of Great Britain. If it is only that she will reduce her power, I do not see that such an event would be displeasing to any part of Europe. It is indeed apparent that the ancient national rivalry between the two nations
i6 THE WRITINGS OF I1796
burns at the present moment with a vivid flame, but the cool and sober part of mankind I think must wish as phi- lanthropists, if not as politicians, that the rage of national resentments may subside on either part, and the policy of doing each other the greatest possible mischief give place to that of living in peace and harmony.
The intelligence of the plenteous harvest and the prospect of future abundance enjoyed by France is of a very pleasing nature. Though it may possibly reduce the prices of some productions of our country, I believe that even the American farmer and merchant will heartily join with you and me in rejoicing at the plenty which narrows his market and impairs his profits.
The increasing gaiety of Paris, the appearance of recipro- cal kindness and benevolence, the abundance of amiable society, the augmentation of manufactures and the important improvements and inventions that are daily adding to the general stock of knowledge and of human enjoyment, are all circumstances which indicate promising prospects, and although they talk much of autrefois^ the natural propensity of mankind to admire past enjoyments will lead to the anticipation that the present may become an autrefois in its turn.
The prospects of general peace on the continent which are daily becoming more apparent, are to me a great fund of satisfaction. As a man and as an American, I consider even universal peace as a consummation devoutly to be wished, and therefore hail with pleasure every event that has a tendency to procure it. When France and Britain shall be left the only combatants, I hope that they too will soon con- sider on both sides that the blessings of peace are preferable to the glory of destruction.
I remain with great regard and consideration, dear Sir, &c-
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 17
TO JOHN ADAMS
The Hague, August 13, 1796. My Dear Sir :
A few days ago I received from England together your favors of March 25, May 5, and June 10. The two first were brought to London and forwarded from thence by Mr, Cook,^ whom as recommended by you I shall be happy to see either here or in England, if his or my peregrinations should at any time bring us within reach of each other. At the same time I received with several other letters one from the Secretary of State, dated June 11, one day later than the last from you. But various circumstances induce me to believe the purport of its contents were then unknown to you, and even unexpected. You will perhaps think them rationally sufficient to induce a submission to the ostracism a little longer.
Your indifference concerning the event of a possible future competition; the determination to be altogether passive, and the Intrepidity with which the prospects of either decision are contemplated, I readily believe ; and re- joice in believing them, because I have no doubt but that the transaction will call for the exercise of all those qualities in an eminent degree. Besides the innumerable sources of opposition all native Americans, and the principles of which are so fully unfolded in your great political work,^ you will expect all the art and intrigue of France, and all its weight and influence concerted with the American adverse party in formal array displayed against you. Their talents at political manoeuvre are well known and appreciated by you. The range of their means, comprehending every thing that can be achieved and limited by no scruple of general morality,
1 Richard Cook, of Annapolis, Maryland. * Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States. VOL. n — c
i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
is understood. The popularity of their pretexts, the terror of their brilliant success in war, and the natural disposition among men of cringing before the insolence of victory, are duly estimated. You will also be prepared, I presume, for an opposition equally malignant though more concealed and perhaps, during the first period altogether inactive, from the rival influence of Great Britain ; nor are you unaware of the dangers to which the station at the helm will be exposed at the most tempestuous political season that the world perhaps ever witnessed, when the elements of civil society are rapidly and inevitably returning to chaos in Europe, and at a moment when the fame of the prede- cessor has heaped to such accumulation the burden of the successor's task. All I am well convinced has been maturely weighed. It remains for me as a man, as an American, and as your son only to say quod felix faustumque sit! . . .
The British fleet in the Mediterranean has blockaded Leghorn, and they have in their turn taken possession of Porto Ferrajo in the island of Elba, which they say they hold merely to prevent the French from taking it, in order to direcc from thence an expedition against Corsica. A num- ber of privateers have been fitted out from Corsica to inter- cept the French commerce in the Mediterranean, who are said to have taken some neutral vessels bound to Leghorn. This circumstance has furnished the French government with an occasion to being forward another instrument of their new system, of which I have no doubt but you will hear much in America.
The political agents of France with all the neutral govern- ments are directed to address to them with energy the voice of their own interest^ and after telling them that they are upon the point of being made the victims of English ambi- tion to declare, "that the French government are informed
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS I9
the English have issued new positive orders to their com- manders of armed vessels to seize all cargoes destines aux Francois in neutral vessels, and that the commanders of the squadrons and privateers of the Republic are ordered to treat the vessels of the neutral nations in the same man- ner as their governments shall suffer the English to treat them." This is to be stated as an act of reprisal against the British,^ and is to be seasoned with proper encomiums upon the honor and generosity of France, and upon her profound respect for the laws of nations, the only tie and security of civilized life, as well as with proper sallies against the perfidy and Machiavelian policy of Britain. In connection with this may be mentioned that Mr. Adet is recalled, and Man- gourit, the former noted consul at Charleston, appointed to succeed him.- Mangourit is now secretary to the French Legation in Spain. You have doubtless heard that it has
1 " Soon after the publication of the letter from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to their ambassador at Basle, I applied here for information whether any new order had been issued respecting the commerce and navigation of the neutral Powers, and was informed that no recent order had been issued, and that no such order existed as was ascribed to this government in the letter to Barthelemi. Ry- an early opportunity I communicated this information to Mr. Monroe, who tells me in a letter of the 28 ultimo, that on his application to be informed whether orders were issued by the French government for the seizure of neutral vessels, he had been answered that no such order was issued, and that none would be issued, in case the British government did not authorise the seizure of our vessels. As I can only conjecture the motives which have induced these proceedings, and as they may be very wide of the truth, I will not trouble you with my suspicions. It would, how- ever, have been serviceable to our trade with this country had Mr. Monroe's communication been somewhat earlier. The fall goods have been shipped, and principally insured here, under the disadvantages of an expected interruption of our navigation by the French cruisers." Rufus King to John Quincy Adams, London, September 10, 1796. Ms. King's letter to Monroe, August li, 1796, is in Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, II. 78.
2 Michel-Ange-Bernard Mangourit (1752-1829). See note in Correspondence of French Ministers (Turner), 930; Report of the American Historical Association, 1897, 569.
20
THE WRITINGS OF [1796
been In contemplation between France and Spain to exchange the port of Saint Domingo, ceded to the former by the late treaty of peace, for Louisiana upon our continent. There is at present in Paris one if not more of the South Carolinians who accepted the commissions of Genet, and drew upon themselves the animadversions of the South Carolina legislature. He has made himself very conspicuous among the Americans by every species of censure upon the President and the government of the United States. He has probably too much encouragement for such conduct and conversation, which by means of him and of other similar characters is so industriously spread among the Americans in Paris, as to make the French naturally conclude it must be the general public opinion in America. Several facts are here mentioned together, and you will probably be aware that they are not grouped altogether at random. Their connection will perhaps be much better understood by you, than it is com- prehended by me. Our country must be upon its guard. I must add, however, that I am informed it is probable an- other person may be appointed instead of Mangourit.
Mr. Paine is said to be yet writing his pamphlet against the President of the United States and his administration, but he does not now live in the house of Mr. Monroe. He has retired to Surenne, a village near Paris. There was much threatening of this pamphlet and of this new mission last winter, but the latter measure was suspended by the French government, perhaps to give our House of Representatives an opportunity to refuse their concurrence for the execution of our treaty with Britain.^ At present the threat at least
*The manuscript of Paine's letter had been brought to England as early as August 19, by a young Virginian, who was charged to deliver it to Benjamin Franklin Bachc, in Philadelphia, by whom it was published. Monroe suspected that Paine's influence had been exerted with the Directory and had produced a change in the attitude of that body toward himself, making his position as the
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 21
of both the measures Is revived. The pamphlet war against the character of the President was begun under the auspices of the French government the last summer. If it is now to be renewed it will be still under their auspices, but they may perhaps discover that his personal feelings and fortunes are as inaccessible to their attacks as his fame. But as pane- gyric and calumny are equally among their means, and they are perfectly indifferent which of them it is they employ, the choice is decided by circumstances only, and they will at an hour's warning be prepared to erect a statue to him whom they find they cannot ruin.
American minister less eligible and useful. See the memorandum of conversations with Dr E. Edwards in Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, II. 79.
" In the Directoire the foreign affairs department belongs to Rewbell. He was on the committees of the convention at a time when much money was paid to the Americans, and before our government had consented to pay the debt. His im- pressions are unfavorable. He is honest, obstinate and sour. His impressions are now first got from La Croix, who figured at the 4 July, and those of the other members come through this doubly empoisoned channel. . . . Paine's pamphlet is sent to Philadelphia about six weeks ago, to be published by Bache. . . . I conversed with a person yesterday, who saw the manuscript. I begged him to get me a reading, as I have no connection and but slender acquaintance with the author. He promised his endeavors, but in general Informed me, it was a philip- pic on the president's private life and public conduct from the year 1776, to the present day. The reason of this rancor is, the president's not getting him out of gaol. This subject warms him so much that he sometimes turns orator, and in a coffee house frequented by Americans, he has twice pronounced a string of the most virulent anathemas, concluding as proven that he was both a coward and a scoundrel. All you men of some estimation may prepare your armor; he is coming your way. He began with his God, and now he vilifies the best of his works. . . . Talleyrand conversed much of America two days ago. He spoke in favor of Burr, appeared to think he would make a good minister here. We went over several characters. I thought his ideas just. He then mentioned Hamilton, and whether it was policy or opinion, spoke of him in the highest terms. He said what every body says of his capacity, and that his political principles were truly American, unmixed with either French or English, which he regretted was a thing so prevalent." Joseph Pitcairn to John Quincy Adams, Paris, October 20, 1796. Ms.
22 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
But measures and not men is their maxim, and their only means of destroying a system is by attacking the person upon whom they suppose its support to depend. It may there- fore be expected that the French government and their pamphleteers will from the same batteries only change the direction of their artillery. The object will remain the same, to force us out of our neutrality, to deprive us at least of all connection with Britain, and to alter our Constitution to such a form as shall give thern a more certain and effectual influence over our national Executive.
The energetic mode in which they purpose to show the neutral governments their own interests, and the appoint- ment of Mangourit, indicate that they mean to resume the system of terror in their external relations ; and if I judge from the letters I receive from some of their adherents, they imagine that these new measures will throw the Ameri- can government into such a profound consternation, that they will think themselves fortunate to obtain forgiveness by unqualified submission. They tell me of the rage of the French government at our treaty with Britain, of their in- flexible determination to resent it by some determined act, of their raising their tone as they advance in victory, of the dreadful consequences to be apprehended from their re- sentments, and which nothing under Heaven can avert, unless it be peradventure the extreme prudence of Mr. Monroe in whom they have very great confidence. It is from native Americans that I receive under hand and seal this language, fit for the remorse of a worm of the dust in the presence of offended omnipotence, from a man partic- ularly from Pennsylvania, a deep speculator in the French revolutionary funds and a confidential friend of Mr. Monroe,^
' Probably Enoch Edwards. The recall of Monroe had been recommended by the President's Cabinet July 2, and Pinckney received his appointment September
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 23
together with Hichborn, whose conversation was of exactly the same complexion more than a twelve month ago.
The Drawcansir style of those letters would divert you if you should see them, because the intention with which they were written would be discerned by you at once. They profess to be confidential communications, but are so far from really possessing that character that, while they are all foaming with the froth of French indignation, they studi- ously conceal the measures which the Directory had deter- mined to pursue, and which must have been known to the writer at the time when he wrote. Neither the orders to take enemy's property in neutral vessels, nor the recall of Adet, nor the appointment of Mangourit, were hinted to me by him. My intelligence comes from other quarters.
If they really mean to confiscate only enemy's property found in neutral vessels, that indeed will be an act violent and unjust enough, considering it as a direct and positive violation of the stipulation in our treaty ; yet considering that our vessels will be like to have but little property to carry belonging to their enemies, and also that they cannot keep many armed vessels in any sea to infest our trade, owing to the naval superior force of their antagonist, I think they will not injure us much by this. If its eventual issue should be such as to control in some degree the overflowings of our commercial enterprise, a benefit may result from it as will weaken the shock of a diminished trade that must await us at the termination of a war, when all the parties now contending will encourage, as much as possible, their domestic navigation by the exclusion of that of strangers. But from the very vague manner in which the orders inti- mated to have been issued are expressed, they may design
9, 1796. Writings of Washington (Ford), XIII. 2i6n; Writings of James Monroe, III. 6.
24 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
to extend the practice of depredation much further than the British ever have. They probably do not intend to treat us as the British have done this season, at least in these European seas ; for they have not as I hear captured a single vessel for months past. Though they have had an undis- puted command of the seas, and board almost every neutral vessel that floats upon them, they let them all pass, and there are numbers of Americans arriving now every day in the ports of this Republic, as well as in those of France.
If the admiralty courts of France are to condemn all the property found on board neutral vessels destines aux ennemis de la Repuhlique Fran^aise, and the expression is to be under- stood in all the latitude of which it is susceptible, it will be a treatment much more injurious than ever we have ex- perienced from the British, as it will assume the principle of intercepting all our navigation whatsoever, destined to the ports of the nations at enmity with France. And I cannot believe this to be the intention. The manner in which the orders are executed will soon discover the design. I only give you conjectures which, with other circumstances perceptible to you though unknown to me, may have a tendency to prepare you for the explosion of the mine that is working.
I am unwilling to believe that the French government has been taught to found the support of their influence in the United States upon a wretched distinction between the policy and interest of one part of the Union, in opposition to those of another ; or that they have been induced to sup- pose they could gratify and promote its agricultural by : distressing its commercial power. I sometimes imagine that this recent order is rather meant as a false attack, to avert the attention of our government from another more formidable which they keep in reserve. It has indeed been
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 25
hinted that they had thought of stopping their payment to those of our citizens to whom they are indebted, until our government shall have reclaimed the property taken from our vessels belonging to the inhabitants of St. Domingo. That they will catch at any pretext to stop their payments is very probable, since they have in many instances already stopped them without any pretext at all, except that of their own necessity. They have so many of the beasts with great bellies which must be fed, that plenteous as their plunder has been during the present campaign, their finances have become more and more irretrievable from day to day. But as this measure has [not] been formally announced, I question much whether it will be employed.
It is proper, however, that you should be aware that to all appearance they have seriously resumed the plan of revolu- tionizing the whole world, so openly professed by the Bris- sotine party in 1792, though at present they think proper totally to deny such a design. I have reason to believe, however, that they are stirring up the lees of democracy among their friends the Danes, and even in the dominions of their intended dear Prussian ally. In the states of all the German princes they are indefatigable, and are working upon materials which require scarce anything but the ac- cidental spark to kindle a flame as devouring as that of France. The Directory have persisted in their refusal to receive the Baron de Rehausen as charge des affaires from Sweden, and have ordered him to leave Paris. They have further or- dered their charge des affaires in Sweden to leave Stock- holm, after assuring the Swedish nation of the friendship of the French Republic. There are some obscure symptoms indicating their disposition at the present juncture to inflame a political odium against the government of Venice, and in Geneva there has been, it is said, a new insurrection, in
26 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
which the people deposed all their magistrates, and requested the French President provisionally to supply their places.
In the midst of all these revolutionary projects the Di- rectory is not itself without internal enemies, equally dis- posed to overturn them and their constitution. It has been openly avowed as the object of the conspiracy at the head of which were Drouet and Baboeuf. The trial of these persons is not yet completed.^ At the annual municipal elections they were attended with tumult and massacre at Marseilles, at Aix, and several other places in the Southern Departments. At Paris the Directory were so apprehensive of similar consequences, that they found it expedient to address a proclamation to the people, warning them against the designs of the terrorists ; and the renewal of one-third of the legislative councils at this moment is a period of partic- ular anxiety to them. The rebellion in the Vendee appears to be finally quelled entirely, and the inhabitants are all disarmed. Paris is yet nearly in the same state, and has besides an army of sixty thousand men to secure its tran- quility close at its gate. The government itself is said not to be united. Sieyes is opposed to their prevailing system, or at least preparing to abandon them in case of need. Their Minister of Foreign Affairs, if not involved more or less in the affair of Drouet, favors at least the terrorist party as much as he can. It is intimated that he keeps secret agents in foreign countries to act as spies upon the public acknowl- edged ministers appointed by the Directory. One of the Ministers from this Republic in France, and the Minister of Geneva, have been removed, owing to some kind of con- nection with the intrigues of Drouet. The General Buona-
^ Jean-Baptiste Drouet (1763-1814), a member of the corps Lcgislatif, escaped from prison with the connivance of the Directory; Franfois-Noel Baboeuf (1760- 1797) was condemned to death.
17961 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 27
parte in Italy is said to pay them but little respect, and rumors with regard to him have circulated which the Direc- tory have thought it necessary positively to contradict. They employ the same pamphleteering engines to fix them- selves that they use to unseat every other government; and while with one hand they are endeavoring to tear up every root of confidence in settled establishments, with the other they are imploring for themselves the confidence of their own people and of foreign nations, without being able to obtain it.
From repeated intimations which have been made to me by the Danish Legation here, with which I have been upon very friendly terms from my first acquaintance with the Minister and the Secretary,^ I find that the government of Denmark would be pleased to have an exchange of Ministers between the United States and them. They doubtless expect the compliment of receiving the first as the eldest party ; but if they were sure of a return, I know not but they would overlook the mere point of sending first. It has been hinted to me that, while the United States have Minis- ters with almost all the commercial powers in Europe, it looks something like an unpleasant distinction to see them omit sending one to that which commands the passage of the Sound, and with which the United States have already a considerable direct commerce. I have never mentioned these circumstances before for two reasons. The first, because I had no inclination to promote the multiplication of the American foreign missions unnecessarily; and the second, because I thought it might tend to raise a suspicion of a personal motive on my part founded upon the desire to enlarge our diplomatic field. Under my present destina- tion the latter cannot influence me, and I pretend not to
1 Baron de Schubart and Mr. Levsen.
28 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
judge of the necessity or propriety of the measure. I only state a fact and an argument as it has been presented to me, by persons who certainly did not use them without authority.^
Your dutiful son. P.S. Our old friend Dumas died suddenly on the nth instant.
TO SYLVANUS BOURNE
The Hague, August 13, 1796. Dear Sir :
The Minister Plenipotentiary from the French Republic informs me that the consuls of France both at Amsterdam and Rotterdam have violent suspicions that some of the captains of American vessels engage or receive on board of them soldiers belonging to the French army now in this country. At his desire I have to request you to give notice to all the American captains in both those ports, that it is expected they will avoid altogether receiving or engaging any such person, and that If In any Instance they have al- ready received persons of this description, they will Immedi- ately discharge them. Please to give notice of this circum- stance to all the consular agents of the United States within this Republic, and to request them to use all the means within their competency to prevent every practice of this nature. I am etc.^
^ No minister to Denmark was appointed until January, iSii, when George W» Erving was sent as "Special Minister."
^ Citizen Noel had further asked Adams to authorize French officers to visit the American vessels to ascertain the presence of French soldiers on board ; but Adams replied he had no power to authorize the visiting or examination of American vessels, and were he to assume the pretence of such power, it would not be recognized by the American captains.
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 29
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE No. 81 [Timothy Pickering]
The Hague, August 21, 1796.
• •••••*
It is generally reported that the Emperor still persists in the continuation of the war, and that the French govern- ment have determined to enter into no negotiations with him, unless Great Britain be excluded from all interference or par- ticipation in them. The plan to ruin totally Great Britain is now professed by the French in general with a publicity which seems to partake of ostentation ; it is perhaps un- dertaken seriously from an opinion of its necessity to France. The closing of all Europe against the British commerce is now avowed as an object pursued by the Directory. With regard to America the design is not said to be extended so far; but you will easily judge whether the measures they take towards the government of the United States indicate the determination to draw them into the vortex of a political system for Europe or not. It is a subject which in every point of view deserves the most particular attention.
Mr. Hammond is gone upon a special mission to the Courts of Berlin and Vienna. The purpose is supposed to be that of commencing a negotiation of peace. Whether France and Britain are like to agree upon their terms, even if they should treat, is doubtful ; the ambition of conquest appears to thrive upon oratory in France, and the design of destroying totally the British power, which perhaps was at first con- ceived as an idle though a pleasing fancy, from the successes of the present campaign upon the continent, has gradually varied to an hesitating wish, grown to an aspiring hope, and ripened to a formal project. It offers a prospect equally flattering to their national pride and to their native and
30
THE WRITINGS OF [1796
habitual antipathies. Their resentment against the British is inflamed by the constant reflection, that of all their enemies, they have inflicted the most and sufl^ered the least of the miseries of war. They declare a determination to make no peace, without insisting upon the restoration of all their own islands, and all the Dutch possessions, both in the East and West Indies, which have been taken by the British. But as they do not appear to have any equivalent in con- templation, and it is not easy to see what equivalent they have to give, neither the present nor any other ministry in Britain would consent to terms which France appears determined to require. If known they come to treat seri- ously, the necessity for peace, which is really felt by both parties, and the desire for it, which is felt still more by the people of every nation engaged in the war, may bring on a spirit of concession which will facilitate the conclusion of a short peace.
But the French Government are evidently making their preparations to put in execution their singular plan of war against Britain, the season ensuing. That they will succeed in cutting oflF the communication between that island and all the rest of Europe, is not at all impossible, for Spain is yet balancing upon the edge of peace and war, and it is very currently reported that the French Government have de- manded, and will probably obtain, the passage of an army through Spain to invade Portugal by land. This may be a menace of France held up to frighten Portugal into their terms of peace, but it may with equal probability be a serious design to dispose of troops, which, in case of peace with the Emperor, will remain upon their hands, and which must be furnished with employment. The plan will be most likely to fail in the countries upon the Baltic, but they may compel Denmark as they have Sweden to take a side,
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 31
and they may have large temptations to offer, if at the same time they can provide for defence.
If the design should be carried fully into effect, it still remains a question what the balance of its operation will be. There is no doubt but that it will very much distress the British commerce; but it will distress in like manner all the commerce of Europe. The consequence must be an universal stagnation, and if it should be continued for any length of time, it must end in a commercial revolution from Lisbon to Archangel, as complete as the political revolution from which it will arise. It is to be hoped for the general interests of humanity that the threatening appearance of a more extensive war than the present will subside, and that a peace of some sort will be arranged before the commence- ment of the next season.^ . . .
» "It is not for me to conjecture, what has been at the same time their course of negotiation with the United States. There is, I am well assured, in the present French government a party whose opinions and dispositions are not unfavorable or unfriendly to the interests of the United States ; whether there are others who think that the American republic thrives too rapidly and suspect a danger that it may be tempted to abuse its prosperity ; or who believe that the ports of America must at all events be shut against the British commerce, it may be useless for me to enquire, as it is no doubt well known to you.
"Among the projects, which in the moment of victorious exultation were held out, either with serious intention, or as a warning intimation, was said to be that of obtaining Louisiana by cession from Spain, and Canada by conquest from Brit- ain. A design to undertake seriously an expedition of this nature, and of sending a powerful armament to New Orleans, has at least been under consideration in the Directory, and may have had some influence in causing the recall of Mr. Adet, without the substitution of a successor. It is probable however that this plan will give way to objects of more urgency on this continent, and if so, the ap- pointment of another minister may soon be expected." To the Secretary of State, October i6, 1796. Ms.
32 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
TO JOSEPH PITCAIRN
The Hague, October 2d, 1796. Dear Sir :
The last post brought me your favor of the 22nd ultimo, containing interesting information for which I am obliged to you. The public declaration of the French government by their Ambassador at Basle, with regard to their respect for neutral rights and their determination to imitate the examples of Britain, is not very explicit.^ Perhaps it was so intended. I hope that further reflection will induce the Directory to take their national engagements, rather than the example of the British, for the rule of their conduct. If however they determine to take enemies' property where- ever found, I suppose it is because they do not consider it as a violation of the laws of nations. Their declaration at Basle indeed seems to say to the neutrals, *'we will insult and injure you, because we see you are too weak to resent the insults and injuries of others." The policy is not un- common in practice, but I believe it has not before been often avowed.
The treaty between France and Spain I have seen in the papers. It contains nothing relative to the exchange.^ Are you sure that the exchange has been made f As to their armament to New Orleans and their conquest of Canada, I think it will end with their invasion of England, and the joint march of their three armies to Vienna, together with their march through Spain to take possession of Lisbon. All
1 See note from the Minister of Foreign Affairs to Barthelemy, August 7, 1796, in Annual Register, 1796, 248. Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, II. 89.
* Florida and Louisiana were, rumor said, to be ceded by Spain to France, in return for a restoration of the Spanish part of Santo Domingo, or some other equivalent. The treaty between France and Spain, signed August 19, 1796, is in the Annual Register, 1796, 231.
17961 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 33
these things are easy to project, and I shall not say they are of impossible execution ; but while they are in the serious contemplation of the French government, it is not probable that their wish or intention to make peace is very strong.
I am &c.
Dear Sir
TO RUFUS KING
The Hague, October 3, 1796.
It gives me great pleasure to find that a satisfactory ter- mination to the questions of our captured vessels and prop- erty is to be expected. The principal difficulties I think arise from a fundamental variance upon principles of national law. The maritime law of nations recognized in Great Britain is all comprised in one line of a popular song, "Rule Britannia ! Britannia rule the waves !" I never could find that their Admiralty courts were governed by any other code.^
I had some time since the honor to write you respecting the capture of property to a considerable amount, belonging to a certain German mercantile house, subject to the Elector Palatine, on board of an American vessel.- The newspapers
^ "It has given me great pleasure to hear that Colonel [John] Trumbull was drawn as the fifth Commissioner. You know how much I have supposed would depend upon the chance of that appointment. I believe with you that all the Com- missioners will be guided by wisdom, integrity, and zvhat they think justice. But British justice in questions of maritime law is a very different thing from natural justice. The professed object of the nation is to domineer at sea, and they have assumed for the accomplishment of this object a set of maxims which cannot be con- formable to natural justice, because that is impartial and reciprocal, while they are all promotive of British maritime domination." To Joseph Hall, October 9, 1796. Ms.
^ The house was that of Jean and Caspar Halbach & Sons, of Remscheid, near Diisseldorf. The ship was the Congress, Captain Thomas Reid. VOL. n — D
34 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
here have announced that the cargo of that vessel has been condemned at Halifax. I now take the liberty to inclose another paper which I have received from the proprietors of the goods. I know not upon what pretence this condemna- tion has been founded, which appears to be a clear violation of the treaty between the United States and Great Britain. It may, perhaps, be a case proper for the determination of the commissioners under the treaty, but I cannot disown my surprise that the British government to this day con- tinues to countenance such proceedings. I express this sentiment to you with the more freedom, because I know that this matter will be urged close upon our government from another quarter, for purposes which I do not approve, but the object of which is altogether hostile to Great Britain. At the commencement of the present war the judge of an admiralty court in London might distinguish between neu- tral and non-belligerent powers, and declare his determina- tion to force them out of their neutrality ; the government has surely had time to think better of that design, and at this day may not refuse to consider a neutral as a friendly nation. But the design which they have abandoned may have been taken up by their enemies, and I cannot think them now desirous of contributing to the motives which would tend towards a declaration against them. They have not long since made a formal and ample satisfaction to the Court of Denmark for an insult committed by one of their officers, and I have seen the good effects of this measure to their interests. Let them at least cease to encourage per- petual insult and injury upon our navigation, and their enemies will be deprived of the strongest argument with which they would persuade us to join in the almost universal league that is thickening against them. I am &c.
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 35
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE No. 86 [Timothy Pickering]
The Hague, November 4, 1796. Sir:
In the letter from the Committee of Foreign Affairs,^ a copy of which was inclosed with my last, they have raised pretensions and used expression upon which I have not thought it necessary to anticipate the opinion you will form, or the notice which you may think proper to take of them. But as it is possible that the tone and ideas may appear extraordinary, I think it necessary to add a few observations and some particulars of information which will make them more accountable.
The general disposition, even of the patriotic party in this country, favors cordially the neutrality of the United States, They have a very substantial reason for this disposition, as they are continually receiving remittances of interests upon their monies loaned to the United States ; and as these are almost the only public funds upon which the payments are still punctual, they apprehend that the difficulties and the necessities of a war might produce a suspension or post- ponements on the part of the United States, similar to those of which many of the belligerent powers have given examples. But at the same time, the patriotic party can have no avowed will different from that which may give satisfaction to the government of France. They feel a dependence so absolute and irremovable upon their good will, that they sacrifice every other inclination, and silence every other, when the
^ The members of this Committee were Jacobus Kantelaar, Jan Bernd Bicker, P. Hartog, Albert Johan de Sitter, W. A. dc Beveren, Hugo Gevers and Jacob George Hieronymus Hahn.
36 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
pleasure of the French government is signified to them in such a manner as makes an election necessary.
I received not long ago an intimation that one of the mem- bers of the Committee of Foreign Affairs had confidentially communicated to a friend a circumstance, which was in- tended to be kept profoundly secret. It was that the French government had determined to defeat, if possible, the treaty lately concluded between the United States and Great Britain, and had signified to the Committee of Foreign Affairs here their expectation, that they would concur with all their influence towards the same object. The tenor of their letter strongly serves to show the accuracy of the information. The object which the last paragraph of their letter aims at is not at all equivocal, but in considering the manner in which they urge their proposals, the address with which they pursue their point may be ranged on a level with their logic. After having undertaken formally to justify the condemna- tion of the Wilmington Packet cargo, because they concluded it to be French property, they make no difficulty to assume a right to insist upon the protection of Batavian property on board of American vessels. They call very loudly upon the United States to go to war with Great Britain, and make a common cause with the French and Batavian Republics. The whole of this singular passage might have excited a stronger sentiment than it did, had I not previously received the intimation mentioned above. Considering their lan- guage as dictated by an irresistible external impulse, an ex- cuse for its singularity was derived from the necessities of their situation. In the answer which I have given, therefore, it was my endeavor to avoid every unnecessary discussion, and as far as possible every unpleasant expression. But the inconsistency of their pretensions with their own argu- ment could not be passed without notice. Their oblique
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 37
insinuation of treaties formed by the United States militat- ing with that before contracted with this Republic, I thought it necessary to repel in the most decided and explicit man- ner. Their assertion of numerous services rendered by their Republic to the American nation authorized the reference in the answer to the reciprocal services and common utility, upon which I conceived the engagements between the two nations to be founded. As they very clearly hint a wish that the United States should violate some treaty con- cluded after that with the Batavian Republic, and make a common cause with them and France, I thought the honor and dignity of my country and Its government required an explicit declaration in answer, that they would inviolably maintain their engagements with all other nations as faith- fully as with this. But I did not think it necessary, though it might have been not unfair, to observe that their proposal of a common cause to be made with the French Republic could not be made by them without her concurrence, or that the energy which they would insist upon for the protection of their property in American vessels would be unnecessary, if it were eiBcaciously employed in giving security to the navigation of their own flag. It may be mentioned here, that the American flag is not the only one for the honor of which these gentlemen have taken so deep and so generous a concern. They sometime since interested themselves in a similar manner for the honor of the Danish neutrality, until they were given to understand by the Count de Bern- storfF that the government of Denmark was the proper judge of Its own honor, and was not disposed to listen to instigations upon its concerns with other nations.
When I delivered to Mr. van Leyden^ my letter to the Com-
* Frederik van Leyden, Secretary of the Committee for Foreign Affairs. See Adams, Memoirs, July 5, 1796.
38 ■ THE WRITINGS OF [1796
mittee, I asked him if he had any letters from Mr. van Polanen since his reception by the President. He answered that he had not. I observed that I had seen in the American papers a paragraph announcing that he had been received. "We have had no dispatches from him," said Mr. van Leyden, "for some time. Probably he has written and sent them, but there is so little regard paid to your flag, that the English may have taken the dispatches from the vessels on board of which they were. If the United States wish sincerely to establish the principles of making neutral vessels protect enemy's property, they have now a good opportunity to insist upon it with Great Britain, now that Spain has entered into the war." "The United States," I answered, "are very sincerely desirous of establishing the principle, and I have no doubt will readily use all pacific means to promote it. But they think it not an object that warrants going to war. They could contribute little towards putting it into execution. They might in a war obtain possession of Canada, but it would afford no gain at all to them, and a very trifling loss to Great Britain. Since the delivery of the posts, the British government probably set no great value them- selves upon these possessions, and their governors. Lord Dorchester and Simcoe, are both returning home. But at sea what assistance could we give you without a navy .^" Why, that is true, replied he, but I am surprised that the United States do not turn their attention to their marine ; they have certainly the means of a naval power, and they must feel the necessity of having one for the protection of their commerce. The object, said I, is not forgotten, but the obligations contracted in the war which secured the inde- pendence of the United States are in their eyes the first and most imperious. In the course of that they neces- sarily contracted a very heavy debt, the punctual payments
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 39
of which absorb all the revenues which can be raised upon the convenience of the people. But, said Mr. van Leyden, they have paid part of the capital of that debt, so that the burthen is reduced. Part of the capital is paid, said I, but larger sums of it become payable every year, so that the present burthen continues to increase, although every pay- ment serves to diminish the whole mass of the weight. For instance, a very large proportion of this debt is due in this country, and being paid with constant punctuality, your citizens receive at this day several millions annually paid by the government of the United States. There is now a million of capital, also, that becomes payable every year ; in the course of two or three years the capital annually payable will increase to two or three millions. To these demands successively rising the United States are liable by their contracts, and you are sensible that they cannot think of averting the sums destined for the punctual per- formance of these engagements to any other object, however desirable. They think it better, therefore, even to postpone that of a marine. He said that to be sure, the sums ap- propriated to the discharge of debts could not properly be employed to another use, but that it was to be wished that Great Britain might be compelled to consent to making a peace, which should restore to this Republic all the pos- sessions she had taken from it. He was afraid, however, that it would not be for the present, as the conferences be- tween the French minister of Foreign Affairs and Lord Malmesbury were already suspended, though not absolutely broken off. That the latter had written for further instruc- tions, but the settlement of the negotiations would be very uncertain, and little was to be expected from them.^
This opinion was doubtless well grounded, and concurs
^ See Malmesbury, Diaries and Correspondence, III. 259.
40 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
with the general opinion here. The official papers which have passed upon the subject of the negotiation hitherto have been published by the French Directory, and are con- tained in the Gazette which I have the honor to inclose by the present opportunity.^ I have the honor &c.
TO JOSEPH PITCAIRN
The Hague, November 13, 1796. Dear Sir :
I have successively received at due time your favors of the 20th and 28th ultimo, and of the 3rd instant, and renew my thanks for the interesting information they contain.
If the French government have determined upon the cap- ture of enemy property on board of neutral vessels, I do not apprehend that we shall suffer materially from the resolu- tion. It will, however, serve to show the degree of regard in which they hold, not only the rights of neutral nations,
* "I have already taken the liberty to suggest my idea of the inconveniences which must naturally follow the publication of such letters as mine to you of 4 November last. That in this particular instance it will expose me personally to the strong resentment of the Batavian Committee for Foreign Affairs, and to the whole party of the present government in that country, is very certain, and I sincerely regret the circumstance, as I had just parted from them leaving them perfectly good humored, and as they had always been very obliging to me, and had shown in every instance a disposition as friendly as they could venture to the United States. As far, however, as it only concerns myself the ill-will of the Dutch government will be less important now, than it would be were I still residing in that country; and as I felt bound in duty to write the letters, I shall cheerfully acquiesce in any consequence that must derive from them." To the Secretary of State, July 19, 1797. Ms.
"As to their complaint at Philadelphia, their assertion that they are independent, ; etc., it gives me much concern that they should have taken offence. I meant it not, nor was my letter to the Secretary written with an idea that it would ever be published. Their note to me, however, which gave occasion to my comment, was in its tenor highly offensive to the American government. They knew perfectly
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 41
but their own engagements. There are people in America who to serve certain purposes are forever harping upon the gratitude which they pretend the United States owe to France, and the French themselves are not unfrequently disposed to make a merit of what was certainly a very interested policy. The present government are perhaps disposed to cancel our supposed obligations by violating the stipulations of their treaties. It is my opinion that there is a strong debt of reciprocal obligations between the United States and France, or rather, to speak the only honest language upon a political concern, the relations be- tween the two nations were formed upon a very important common interest which still exists, and must continue long to exist. That common interest prescribes a cordial har- mony and a punctual performance of treaties on both sides. The American government is unquestionably and sincerely disposed to cultivate that harmony and faithfully to adhere to its engagements, but it expects a similar return ; and I am persuaded that if the French propose to themselves an in- fluence in America by the assumption of a supercilious tone of negotiation, or by disregarding their stipulations, they will fail of success and lose much of the influence which they actually possess.
The Minister Delacroix ^ means not well to the harmony of the two countries, and there are prejudices and passions of other individuals which will labor to interrupt the good
well that it was so, and in my answer to themselves at the time, I had not disguised my opinion upon the subject. As I believed notwithstanding that their disposition towards us was good, I attributed their offensive note to instigation from France. I had express information that such was the fact. It has since then been confirmed to me from unquestionable authority. The member knows it to be true. Perhaps their resentment now is prompted by the same instigation." To William Vans Murray, November l8, 1797. Ms. See also the letter to Murray, November 24, 1797. ^ Charles Delacroix de Constant (1741-1805).
42 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
understanding, which the interest of both requires. But I am persuaded it will eventually be restored, because the mutual interest is too strong and must prevail over all the efforts of prejudice, passion, or intrigue.
There is a great ignorance of the character and sentiments of the American people in France among those who imagine that any manoeuvre of theirs could turn an election against the President of the United States. Their invectives and their calumnies may add a few more to the number of his detractors, or take away some who admired him from fashion or from personal motives ; but among the great mass of the people he stands fixed as the foundations of the world, and France will find it more easy to go through five and twenty revolutions at home, than to root out that man's merits and services from the memory of Americans, or a proper sense of them from their hearts.
It is probable, however, that if the President persists in his intention to retire, the French will soon forget their polit- ical resentment against him. As to his system of policy they will do well to acquiesce in that, for they will not overturn it. You think they will endeavor to promote the election of Mr. Jefferson, and you are probably right ; but if Jefferson is elected, I speak with confidence in saying that he will inflexibly pursue the same general system of policy which is now established. Perhaps even you may smile and hesitate in believing this prophecy. I may be mistaken, but have no doubt myself upon the subject, and am willing to have my conjectures judged by the test of events.
Our friends, therefore, must return upon their steps, unless they are determined to cast off a sincere and faithful and very useful friend. As to their being discovered, that is, their motives and their views, I suppose they do not expect to avoid that. They must know that they have been long
1796] JOHN QUINCY:ADAMS 43
since discovered. Their islands and their marine are strong ties. The weariness of their people at the war which yet burthens them, the total want even of a plausible pretext to quarrel with America, and the very possible chance that they may again be in want of our bread, will prolong our peace, and if the Minister Delacroix is succeeded by an abler or a wiser man, he will feel the advantage of preserving influence by using it with moderation.^
I am &c.
TO JOHN ADAMS
The Hague, November 25, 1796. My Dear Sir :
I received yesterday your favor of August 7, the first time I have had the pleasure of a letter from you since the same date. I have also to acknowledge an unusual interval since my last to you was written. I shall not plead in excuse that a very considerable American correspondence, which I find myself obliged to furnish altogether on my part with few returns of any kind, and those few containing little more than acknowledgments of my letters having been
^ "I understand that Mr. Monroe has received his recall. General Pinckney has not yet arrived. Mr. Adet also has probably his recall before this time. It was sent more than two months ago, as you have doubtless been informed ere this from France. A successor is not yet appointed. V arious motives may be con- jectured as the occasion of a measure, which implies a coolness of disposition, which will not probably last any great length of time, and which may perhaps not be spon- taneous in the minds of the Directory. The character of the French minister for foreign affairs [Delacroix] is probably known to you. His conduct upon an occa- sion which has been a subject of particular observation in Europe, and his avowed preference of the minority in the American House of Representatives, discover his purposes and what is to be expected from him. The policy of the French govern- ment may be unfavorable to all neutral nations, but it may be safely concluded that they do not wish to be at positive variance with the United States, and will
44 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
received, becomes gradually more burthensome, and that I postpone insensibly from day to day the writing of those which can admit of postponement. However justly I might make this apology, I am sensible it would not be sufficient. Continual attention to many inattentive correspondents is possible ; it is, therefore, a duty ; and of all my inofficial correspondents it is most inexcusable that I should have occasion for an apology to you. I shall endeavor to avoid the same fault in future. . . .
The inconveniences of a foreign mission which have been mentioned in several of your late letters are certainly great. I was not insensible of them when I left my country. There is another, greater than all the rest, of which I am equally sensible. It is that of losing the prospects of a profession, and of being displaced from one's proper station in society. A premature elevation renders a subsequent descent in- evitable. All my prospects in America are that I shall have the advantage of reflecting upon what I have been. There is, however, one article of my philosophy, which I do not apprehend will soon abandon me. It is an indifference to the pursuits of ambition and fame, which even your solici- tude for me does not altogether remove. I sought not the station which I now hold. I sought not my late errand to England, nor the new appointment to Portugal with which
return to their customary civility after they shall discover the issue of their present experiment." To the Secretary of State, NovemhcT i6, iyg6. Ms.
It was held by the administration that Monroe had neglected to make a full and proper use of the material sent to him to lessen or remove the great uneasiness of the French government in its relations to the United States. This material had reached him early in December, 1795 ; yet he remained silent and made no use of it until the middle of February, 1796, when Delacroix announced the intention of sending an envoy extraordinary to the United States. This Monroe sought to prevent, and an interchange of complaint and reply resulting in nothing satis- factory by May, the President in July, at which time the May despatches were re- ceived, determined to recall Monroe.
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 45
I have been honored. Did I ever wish for them ? Not for the English business I think you will readily believe. No. Nor for either of the others. When this service shall be sufficiently discharged I can retire perfectly contented to my books and to silent obscurity ; but to the tedious drudg- ery of the bar, to an office without clients, or to invidious labor and its wretched pittance of retribution, while my juniors during my absence will not only have gained upon me all my advancement, but left me far behind them, to tug again at the oar while they enjoy the favors of the gale and stream at once — I will not pretend that I shall readily acquiesce in such a course as that. The first and most strenuous of my endeavors will be to preserve my independ- ence entire. Rather than surrender or impair that, I shall submit to anything not dishonest or dishonorable; but that preserved, I shall indulge my own inclinations, and adopt a mode of life which will allow me leisure for my favorite pursuits and literary studies. Such is at present my hope. If I can return to leisure I am determined that it shall not be to idleness. But the Americans have in Europe a sad rep- utation on the article of literature, and I shall purpose to render a service to my country by devoting to it the remain- der of my life.
In one of your late letters you inquire, whether in my pere- grinations I can find nothing for the University at Cam- bridge, or for the Academy.^ I do not mean to be forgetful of either, especially the former, to which I am personally indebted for much valuable instruction. Perhaps I might have been more in haste to offer a tribute of my regard and veneration to these institutions, but for a profound aversion in my mind against ambitious donations and begging pres-
* American Academy of Arts and Sciences, of which he was elected a member August 23, 1797.
46 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
ents. If you will answer for it, that In case I should find something for these institutions they will not .consider it as a solicitation of their favors, and that they will not confer them upon me, I shall be the more ready to indulge my in- clination of showing the respect for them which I really feel. You will perhaps think there is too much of pride in the com- position of these scruples ; but having before me your ex- ample of literary honors acquired, not by the little artifices of courting notice, but by strong and substantial merits commanding it, I am more disposed to follow that example than depart from it for the sake of an academical degree or fellowship.
Before this letter reaches you the elections for President and Vice President will be completed, and it will doubtless decide as to your continuance in the public service. The President's address to the people of the United States of September 17, arrived here some time since. I imagine it will be translated and published in the papers of the country. There are perhaps some characters here who do not per- fectly relish it; the observations upon the absurdity of having any favorite foreign nation are applicable to other countries, as well as to the United States. Their justice is pointedly felt here, and several persons have mentioned to me the address in terms of the highest satisfaction. But the foreign nation here is something more than a favorite, and it requires a degree of courage by no means universal even to profess any sentiments of independence. Upon which subject you may judge from the following anecdote. Some days before the Constitution now before the National As- sembly was reported by the Committee, I was witness to a conversation which took place concerning it between the French Minister Plenipotentiary, whose name is Noel, and several members of the Assembly and of the Diplomatic
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 47
Committee. All declared themselves very anxious and curious to know what it would be. Noel at length said he had heard that it would not establish the principle of unity and indivisibility. That there would only be nine departments instead of nine provinces. That in his opinion that would be a great and pernicious departure from the example which France had shewn them, in totally dissolving every principle of federalism, and for his part that he could not approve such an heterogeneous system. He was proceeding to give fur- ther tokens of his dissatisfaction in the same tone, when a member of the Assembly and Committee,^ one of the most noted and influential men in the present government, in- terrupts him with a smile, "Diable, comme vous y allez." Noel then checking himself says: "Au reste, what I say is only the opinion of the citizen Noel ; as to the Minister, to be sure he will find everything that you choose to do excel- lent. Remember it was only the Citizen Noel that was speaking and not the Minister." "Sans doute," replied the honest Dutchman, "autrement vous sentez bien que je me tairois^ The subject of conversation was then changed. But afterwards, since the Constitution has been reported, the member who so candidly confessed that the voice of the Minister would silence him, of course found his tongue to declare that the Constitution is fundamentally bad, not fit even to be made a subject of deliberation, a monster, a federalism, just so far contrary to the rights of men and citi- zens as it varies from the glorious precedent of France.
The Constitution is not yet published, nor have the As- sembly determined as yet whether they will debate it at all. This decision is to be made to-morrow. I will write you more about it in the course of a few days. At present I can only say that it abandons in great measure, but without
^ Hahn. The incident is related in Adams, Memoirs, November 4, 1796.
48 THE WRITINGS OF I1796
sacrificing entirely, the federal principle. The legislature is to be in two branches ; the executive, in a council of state consisting of seven members ; the council of state to have a qualified negative upon the laws, adopted from our Con- stitution. In my next I shall also enter more largely upon the political state of European affairs in general. The cam- paign may soon close, and leave the parties nearly where they were when it began. There will be during the winter much negotiation, from which the only ground I have to think it possible that a general pacification will ensue is, that everybody says it will not.^ I remain &c.
1 On March 15, 1796, a committee of twenty-one was appointed to prepare and report within six months after appointment the plan of a constitution. The de- bates were long and developed a difference of interest on the matter of union. The preponderance of Holland favored a dissolution of the federal union for the purpose of consolidating all the provinces into one Republic. The French also favored this issue, because it was easier to manage one body than eight or ten. The words and phrases of the day came from France, and "unity" and "indivisibility" exercised a spell in the proceedings of this Committee. Those who desired to preserve some part of provincial sovereignty found themselves in a minority. The very name of federalism was in disgrace, and the example of the United States went for nought on the ground that the personal character and influence of Washington gave it the appearance of success. After sitting for five months without producing the expected Constitution the Assembly received a note from Noel, the French minis- ter, urging them speedy adoption of a constitution founded upon the principle of unity and indivisibility, evidently dictated by the Directory at Paris, and intended to serve as an urgent intimation of what was expected by that body. The Committee reported November 10, 1796, and a member of the Committee made his protest against it, and declared his determination to oppose it at every stage, because it was not founded upon a principle of unlimited unity and indivisibility. To reject it at that time, as the Assembly wished, would under the law have led to enlarging the Committee, reporting another constitution, and submitting both to the people. To defeat that necessity the Assembly voted to accept the reported plan as the groundwork of their debates, but refused to debate anything that was not founded upon the indivisibility of the republic. A new committee was named to make the necessary alterations in the paper thus condemned.
"I have informed you heretofore how cavalierly the constitution lately pro-
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 49
TO JOHAN LUZAC
The Hague, November 25, 1796. My Dear Sir :
I have just read in the supplement to the Leyden Gazette of this morning, under the extract of the news from London, an article which says that General Washington had been induced, from disgust at the ingratitude with which his services have been recently paid, to retire from his eminent station, and to request in a discourse pronounced on the 17th of September, that his fellow citizens would not continue him in his high office at the next election.
I shall not examine the inducement which Englishmen may have to impute motives to General Washington un- worthy of his character, or to attribute ingratitude for public services to the Americans. But my regard for my country and for its brightest ornament makes me anxiously desirous that no aspersion cast upon them should remain in the minds of our friends.
duced here has been treated, and the appointment of a new committee to draw up another. There was an inconsistency in the two decrees of the National Assembly, the first, accepting the plan proposed as a groundwork for deliberation; and the second passed six days afterwards, and setting it altogether aside, at which some people have had the weakness to be surprised. But in order to remove all doubts, not only of the cause but of the manner whereby the alteration was effected, two members of the Assembly have published an address to the Batavian people, de- claring that they were the persons who brought it to pass. That when they found a constitution brought to light infected with the venom of federalism and calculated only to call back the Stadtholder and slavery; that this constitution v;2iS favored by a great majority of the Assembly; and that their hapless country was upon the point of receiving the coup-de-grace, they united themselves with a very small number of friends to liberty, and the next moment stepped into a carriage, went to Paris, and deposited their well-grounded apprehensions in the bosom of the French government. The consequences they add are apparent; federalism finds its six months' labor fruitless, the haters of liberty, spite of the thousand masks under which they strive to conceal their detested faces, will be crushed, and Nether- land u/ill be free. Such is the mode of debating constitutions here." To John Adams, December 24, 1796. Ms. VOL. n — E
so THE WRITINGS OF [1796
I hope In the course of a few days to send you the address of the President to the people of the United States, dated and published (not pronounced) on the 17th of September. You will judge from the paper itself whether the disgust or the ingratitude, which some Englishmen are always ready to discover, because they would be glad to find them in the United States of America, were the motives for the retire- ment from the Chief Magistracy of the American Union. I flatter myself on the contrary, that you will find his induce- ments more consistent with the dignity of his character, and with the honor and justice of the American people. At the same time I am sure you will concur in the opinion that it is one of the most interesting papers as a public document, and in every respect worthy of one whose life has been one continued benefaction to his country. I know not whether it can conveniently be inserted in a translation at full length in the Ley den Gazette; but I am persuaded that your brother will have the goodness to correct the im- pression which an imputation, injurious both to the President and people of the United States, would leave on the public mind in Europe. The reasons assigned by the President himself for declining to be viewed as a candidate for the ap- proaching election are his time of life, his strong inclinations towards a retired life, and the peaceable, calm and prosper- ous state of affairs in that country, which permit him to retire without apprehending any essential detriment to the public service. At the same time he bears a testimony equally just and honorable to his fellow citizens, for the steady, constant and invariable confidence with which they have always supported him and rewarded his exertions in their service. I mention these circumstances with the more readiness, because I am sure you will be gratified to know that the imputation of disgust to General Washington, and
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 51
of ingratitude to the Americans, is merely the calumny of English spirits beholding the felicity of the Americans, as Satan is represented beholding that of our first parents in the garden of Eden.^ I am &c.
TO WILLIAM CRANCH
The Hague, November 29, 1796. My Dear Friend :
In this country they are chiefly busied in preparing a Constitution for the Batavian Republic. They appear to be tired of Federalism, and insist upon having a government, one and indivisible. Such at least is the clamor of those to whom the privilege of speech is allowed. A great majority of the people are, however, in their hearts strongly attached to the federal government under which they have always lived. I have had an opportunity during my residence here to observe the practice, as well as the theory, of the new political religion, which for some years past has been every- where preached with so much fanaticism. Very soon after my arrival here a revolution was effected with the help of the French army. The new comers, who seized under their patronage the administration of affairs, began with a formal and solemn declaration of the rights of man and citizens, according to the most recent, amended, corrected,
1 " Mr. Monroe, I have been informed, is very much incensed at his recall. I presume you have had occasion to observe the menacing tone which is attributed by some to the intentions of the French government. I hope and persuade myself that General Pinckney will be as far from encouraging or provoking any such dis- position as his predecessor has been. I have been often assured, that Mr. Monroe enjoyed very highly the confidence of the Directory; that he had great personal mfluence with them, and was exceedingly beloved." To Rufus King, November 26, 1796. Ms.
52 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
and purified French edition of that day. My honest Dutch people, who had always enjoyed a great portion of habitual freedom without thinking of its being rested upon mere metaphysical abstraction, were perfectly astonished to hear what an abundance more of their rights existed, of which they had always been deprived, and had not even ever thought. At the same time they were told that they had always been taxed beyond all toleration, which was indeed not far from the truth, and that they should soon find them- selves relieved, and see how much cheaper a true rights-of- man government is than a tyrannical, aristocratical, federal despotism such as they had been used to. The declaration of rights was not dry from the press, when two of the most eminent and popular characters who had been concerned in the preceding government, were arrested and imprisoned, their papers seized and examined. From that day to this no charge or accusation has ever been brought against them, although they have repeatedly reclaimed either a trial or their freedom. They are still confined, and if any one in- quires why they are not tried, the rights-of-man gentry an- swer with perfect coolness, that the reason is, because no proofs can be produced against them of any crime whatever, and that if they were tried they must be acquitted and dis- charged. So much for the rights of man. The legislative assembly of one of the provinces passes a law. A French general, sword-by-side, marches into the Hall, accosts the l{ President of the Assembly, and tells him that the law must be repealed, for that it shall not be executed. The Assembly puts itself into a great passion, talks of liberty and equality, federalism and indivisibility, rings all the commonplace changes of patriotism and independence, bitterly complains, inveighs, threatens, and last of all submits. So much for the rights of citizens. An unlimited freedom of the press
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 53
Is proclaimed as an unalienable right. The printer of a news- paper inserts an article of news which does not perfectly suit the taste of the ruling powers. By an executive order, without further proof, he is silenced and his paper suspended for six weeks, two months, or such other term as those who signify the order deem proper. So much for the liberty of the press. In the meantime the taxes have been accumu- lated beyond all former example. Forced loans, delivery of gold and silver plate, contributions proportioned now upon the capital, now upon the Income, of every individual, soldiers quartered upon the citizens, &c., &c., &c., furnish com- ment upon comment, to explain the true and substantial meaning affixed to the new code of the rights of man, by those who publish it with the loudest emphasis. I remain &c.
TO JOSEPH PITCAIRN
Amsterdam, December 2, 1796. Dear Sir :
On the 29th ultimo I received your favor of the 22nd, which I have not answered before, as the next morning I left the Hague intending to pass a few days here. In speaking so confidently as I did In my last letter as to the policy which Mr. Jefferson will pursue, if placed at the head of our Union, I did not speak from any direct information, or indeed from any other source than my general opinion of his character, and my firm conviction that he could not pursue any other. There Is but onevarlation in the material policyof the Ameri- can government which could be attempted, and that is a variation from a neutral system to a warlike one. Our friends, as you call them, will no doubt urge this as they have done hitherto, or perhaps more incautiously still. But they deceive themselves in imagining that there is a great part
54 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
of the people In America inclined to become a party in the war. The immense majority of the people is determined upon the preservation of peace, and would very soon show the most pointed disapprobation of any measure on the part of the executive tending towards a different direction. If the advisers whom you justly apprehend should prevail to the adoption of any important change of system, the popular voice and opinion would soon correct their influence. There would therefore be a firmness of necessity, which would prevent any essential evil consequences from a facility of character, which I think with you is indubitable. As to any little variations of detail or of parade, I do not take them at all into the account. With respect to France, Mr. Jefferson would undoubtedly do everything to conciliate and harmonize, that the justice and honor of the United States would permit. Has not the same thing been in- variably practised by the present President ^ If more is expected, or required ; if the unquestionable rights and sub- stantial interests of the American people are demanded as a sacrifice to the humors or the ambitious purposes of whom- soever, Mr. Jefferson is not the man who will make himself the instrument of any such designs. This is an opinion so strongly fixed in my mind, that I have no doubt whatever upon the subject. If I should ever find that this judgment is erroneous, I shall be no less surprised than grieved at the proof, lamglad to hearthat Mr. Pinckney has arrived at Bordeaux and am anxious to hear what his reception will be at Paris. ^
1 " Mr. Pinckney, our ambassador here, is arrived at Bordeaux after a fifty day passage. I have had some anxieties as to his manner of reception here. I have been at no small pains to enlighten our friends here on the character and politics of the man, on republican rotation, on their changes in America, and every other argument to convince them, they neither had cause nor right for preferring the present to the future, nor him to a successor. An address was set on foot here to Mr. Monroe, thanking him for services, and regretting his recall. It appeared to me
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS
5i
I had heard before receiving your letter that Mr. Monroe was highly incensed at his recall, and that the reception of his successor was to be questioned.' Mr. Monroe's conduct in refusing to receive an address, dictated not by regard for him but by hostility to the government, is altogether honor- able to him. 2 I most cordially hope that he has recognized the character and views of those who have advised him with sentiments so deeply hostile to the American government. As to our friends I do not imagine that they will scruple the right of our government to recall any of their ministers abroad, whenever the executive thinks proper. If so clear a right as that could be contested, what one attribute of in- dependence would there be beyond the reach of similar scruples .'' I presume that the disposition of Mr. Pinckney is not less friendly to the French Republic and its government than that of his predecessor, and I hope that disposition will meet with a return equally friendly.'
• ••••••
I am &c.
made to injure Mr. P[inckney], and to censure our government. I therefore re- fused. Mr. M[onroe] would not accept the address, and I think has been awakened by that and some other circumstances, to reconnoitre the dangerous ground on which he stood, and had been placed by people, less attached to him than hostile to the members of our government. And I now have no doubt he will behave to .Mr. P[inckney] and to his mission as both demand of him, and as a virtuous American will hurry to display, who from some prejudice and bad advice may have done wrong by mistake, but who will repair it by good done with design." Joseph PiUairn to John Quincy Adams, Paris, November 22, 1796. .Ms.
1 It was known at Paris late in the afternoon of December 1:, that tlic Direc- tory would not receive Pinckney.
2 "Some of the Americans at Paris drew up and signed an address to Mr. Mon- roe, expressive of their thanks for his services and regret at his recall ; other* re- fused to sign it, and Mr. Monroe himself, aware of the real design which was pro- posed by this address, refused to receive it. He is, however, as I have heard, very much offended at his recall." To David Humphreys, December 10, 1796. The letters on the proposed address are in Monroe, Finv of the Conduct of the Executive, 399.
' "I have since seen Mr. Pinckney. From what I can learn the motives are
56 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
TO SYLVANUS BOURNE
The Hague, December 15, 1796. My Dear Sir:
It must have been from some Inaccuracy of expression on my part in my letter of the day before yesterday, that you conceived as a symptom of distrust, what I really intended as a mark of confidence. Nothing could be further from my design, than to wound your sensibility, or to intimate the most distant suspicion of your purest integrity. I con- sidered that by far the most effectual and the only infallible criterion of confidence shown or discovered, rests upon the proof of fact, and thought that my former application to you, and the repetition of it for my present occasion, was a testimony of my confidence stronger than would result from any declaration. It was my wish at the same time to show the government the most reasonable terms upon which their business could be transacted, and to give you a full knowledge of this intention. The government do not wish to have their business done gratis, nor is it my desire to give any one trouble on their account without an adequate compensation. I thought I had shown this disposition also in agreeing at the first moment to every charge which you
that our treaty with England annulls the one with France; that considering no minister useful in America they had recalled Adet, and consequently none could be wanted here. As the recall of Adet went from this in August, Mr. P[inckney] thinks some step might be taken by our government which he ought to wait, as the delay cannot be long. I think he judges wisely; had that not been the case he says he would have instantly returned to America. He appears to me a very respectable and well informed man." Joseph Pitcairn to John Quincy Adams, Paris, December 15, 1796. Ms. A correspondent wrote to Bourne : "Our minister is r^-ZuW and will be [sent back ?] ; so you Aristocrats will have some cause to grumble. We Jacobins — are as proud as peacocks about it." The intimation was given to Monroe, no notice being taken of Pinckney's letter, lest it should be construed into some sort of acknowledgment.
1796] JOHN QUINCV ADAMS 57
mentioned to me as customary in transactions of this nature, even to one which you afterwards retrenched, because there are merchants, who are not in the habit of making It. In the whole affair I thought my conduct would prove to you at once my confidence in you, and my full determination that you should be fairly and liberally paid for your pains.
As to the charge which you observe is no more than what is customary for the receipt and payment of monies, I shall not deny that I thought there was another. I didnt)t imagine that 6/ 10 per cent upon large sums of money was a customary charge for merely receiving and paying monies. Indeed, I had considered the guilder in the thousand as representing that charge, and had supposed that it was the usual and reg- ular per centum allowed on all large transactions, for the special charge of receiving and paying. The idea was per- haps the more strongly impressed in my mind from the com- mon, habitual practice I am in of drawing for my own use very small sums at a charge of one-fourth per cent. But I have mentioned what I hope will apologize with you, both for any want of information and for misinformation upon the subject of commercial business, that I have never had but little practical knowledge of it. It is for the cor- rection of such inaccuracies in my own estimates, that I re- quested the benefit of information from you, and I was the more persuaded that you would always give it me, as you had already given it in the relinquishment of one charge to which I had consented, and when you were under no obliga- tion to do it. I hope that this explanation will be satis- factory to convince you that I did not feel or intend to ex- press, either a want of proper confidence in you, or a desire that you should do any business at my application gratis.
If Mr. Coster is disposed to supply the remainder of the money at the former terms, I shall be content to take it ;
58 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
but at a time when the exchange in America upon this country is several per cent below par, I have no idea of selling bills upon the Treasury here at a discount. I had rather wait or make an attempt elsewhere.
I do not thoroughly understand what is meant by an in- tention to reimburse the capital of our public debt hypoth- ecated to individuals, nor who is meant by certain capi- talists. The United States have no debt hypothecated to individuals in this country. As to the speculations between individual and individual upon the hypothecation of our stocks, it is a subject with which the government have no concern. I trust that no person employed by the govern- ment has ever intimated or encouraged an idea that a change of administration in America would involve it in the Euro- pean war; and as to what other capitalists may raise of scarecrow stories, they will always rest upon such false and flimsy foundations that I do not apprehend any material ill effects from them, though I think it the duty of every true American, and of every person well disposed towards the United States, to counteract as far as he is able the evil tendency of such designs.^
I am &c.
^ "I thank you for the loan of the English paper containing the silly paragraph, from which was taken the extract in the Rotterdam Gazette. Mere opinions about American affairs, taken from English newspapers, are almost always false, and always partial against America. In this instance your own intelligence of a later date shows that the letter from New York, real or pretended, is an impu- dent falsehood. All my accounts to the 2Sth of October agree that all was in pro- found tranquility throughout America. I think the gazetteer at Rotterdam ought to insert a paragraph to correct the false impression made by the former." To J. Beddemaker, December 21, 1796.
"By a letter which I have from Colonel Humphreys of November 14 I think it most probable that you will not think proper to order my removal before the ensuing summer, and I beg leave to suggest that the public interest will best be served if the person, who may be appointed to take my place here, should come before my
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 59
TO SYLVANUS BOURNE
The Hague, December 22, 1796. My Dear Sir :
I hope you will forgive me when I acknowledge that I could not read without smiling your letter of yesterday. It discovers such a lively trepidation at an event very in- ferior in point of importance to many others which have be- fallen the American government and people, without proving their total ruin.^
That the measure and its intention are profoundly wicked, profoundly hostile to the United States and their government, I fully concur with you in opinion. That it calls for the serious attention of their friends and citizens, that it may in its consequences call for the exertion of their energetic qualities, particularly for their fortitude, is very apparent. But, my dear Sir, believe me, our country is not totally destitute of such qualities; we have not shown ourselves fools or cowards, when former occasions have tried our spirits, nor have I the smallest suspicion that we shall on the present.
You dread the influence of frothy newspaper declamations, and of party spirit and heats encouraged by this example
departure. Indeed I take the liberty of observing that this would be advantageous as a general rule in all the changes of the persons employed in foreign missions. It has two circumstances of weight to recommend it. The first that it serves very much to facilitate the introduction of the new comer to the affairs of his mission, and to the means of conducting them; and the second, that it tends to preserve the good will of the Government to which the minister is sent. I suffered many incon- veniences upon my first arrival here on account of the interval which had elapsed since the departure of my predecessor, both from the disposition that I found in the Gov- ernment and from want of acquaintance with the persons and things with which I was to be conversant. Yet I had in this respect the benefit of tome former knowl- edge of the country-, and was therefore not entirely new to it." To tkr Secrrtary of State, December 14, 1796. Ms.
1 The letter referred to the announcement that all relations between the Re- public of France and the United States had ceased.
6o THE WRITINGS OF [1796
of foreign interference. I see their activity and their malig- nancy no less clearly than yourself, but not with quite so much apprehension. Suppose its effects should be to turn the election ? This is probably one of its principal objects, but should it succeed, what then .? Is the devil to be raised, or are we to be set all by the ears for having a Virginian in- stead of a New England man for President? One honest and able man instead of another ? Indeed these ideas may pass among Europeans, but they are not worthy of an American.
That the United States, and especially their government, have many enemies, you are not at this day to be told. That those enemies will do their worst, both in secret in- trigue and open action, your own reflection will readily con- vince you. But remember, that they have virtues too, which have already defeated many an intrigue and suc- cessfully resisted many an action; and do not, with their European detractors, think our country must upon every momentous occurrence discover the improvidence or the weakness of a child.
You have now as you requested the state of my hopes and fears on this business. I fear (or rather I do not fear, I know) that faction in America will make of its French pat- ronage the most that it possibly can. I hope (or rather I have no doubt), but that the justice, the virtue, and the spirit of the American people and government will prove triumphant over the patronage, as well as over the spirit of faction; and as to the decision upon the presidential election, I am not alarmed about it at all, but have the most unequivocal confidence, that in either of the probable alternatives, the chief magistracy of the Union will be ad- ministered with wisdom and integrity, with moderation and spirit, equal to every exigency to which it may be ex- posed. ...
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 6i
TO JOSEPH PITCAIRN
The Hague, December 22, 1796. My Dear Sir :
I have been for several days expecting with much anxiety to hear from you, when this morning I received at once your two favors of the 13th and 15th instants. The refusal of the French Directory to receive !Mr. Pinckney has been reported here in different ways, and some have pretended that it was accompanied with a declaration personally favorable to Mr. Monroe. I most sincerely regret that they have taken this step, and hope and trust that it will be received by the American people as you expect, perfectly concurring in all your sentiments on the occasion. I have long seen with pain that the good understanding between the governments was affected by representations perfidious to both nations in their origin and disguised in their design. I still hope that candor and moderation, true patriotism and a truly friendly spirit, will repair the breach that threatens. I most cordially wish to France the just and rational benefits of her contest. I wish with equal sincerity a cordial har- mony between her government and that of the United States ; but if it must be paid for at such terms as have been ex- torted from some others, I believe that a change of the whole American people as well as of its government must first be
effected.
I am glad to find that Mr. Pinckney determines to wait for the measures of the government upon the recall of Mr. Adet, and I perceive with much satisfaction the personal opinion you entertain of him. His present situation no doubt is unpleasant to him, but the mortification is that of our government, it is that of our country; and I hope he will be persuaded that every true American will share it
62 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
with him, and consider that he was subjected to it in the cause common to all.
With regard to Mr. Monroe, it is my wish and hope, that he too will not choose to place his dependence upon a state of separation and opposition to the government which he has represented ; that he has always been the Minister of United America, and not the minister of particular interests and opinions. The present circumstances make it impossible not to consider this as a question, which is only to be decided by his future conduct.
The motives which you mention to have been alleged by the Directory for their refusal are, that the treaty with Great Britain annuls that with France. But can you inform me whether anything more specific is pretended, or whether any instance is designated, in which the American government has violated any stipulation of the French treaty .^ In that with Britain, you know there is an express stipulation that nothing in it shall be construed to operate against the pre- vious engagements of either party. Is it intimated that we have ever given it a construction opposite to this special provision .'' That the Directory have recalled their Minister Adet, and do not judge it useful to send or to receive a minister from America, is an indication of their zvill, but it is not a reason, nor a ground of complaint. My only anxiety is upon this point. If France has any substantial cause to suspend their diplomatic intercourse with the United States, it ought to be clearly stated. If the proceedings of her government rest merely upon her construction of a treaty made by them with another power, upon a construction directly contrary to the plain letter of that treaty, let it be known ; let the American people judge for themselves, whether they will suffer any power upon earth to interfere between them and their solemn, lawful engagements.
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 63
You will oblige me If you can with propriety let me know, in what light this measure of the Directory appears to be considered by the public opinion in Paris. Here, as far as I I can judge, it does by no means meet with general approba- tion, I have understood that there are Americans in Paris who receive it with much exultation. Our government has indeed enemies enough, but for my own part I am fully con- fident that the result of this, like that of former events, will prove that it is not without true and resolute friends.
For the citizens of the United States and their property, which happens to be in the power of the French government, I feel indeed a considerable anxiety. But as I hope the hos- tility of their intentions is confined to the government, with- out extending to individual persons or property, I feel the less apprehensive on this account.
TO W. & J. WILLINK AND N. & J. VAN STAPHORST
& HUBBARD
The Hague, December 22, 1796. Gentlemen :
I have received in due time your letters of the 12th instant and of yesterday, and perceive with regret that you have not yet succeeded in obtaining the prolongation, for which I had consented to terms so highly favorable to the creditors. If your undertakings in the concerns of the United States arc subject to be defeated by every idle fabrication of an Knglish newspaper copied into a Rotterdam gazette, the .Amcncan government may indeed well conclude the necessity of depending for their credit upon themselves. The paragraph which you mention was in all probability invented in Eng- land. The real intelligence from America of a later dale
64 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
countenances no such expectations of a dissolution of the American union, and I trust, gentlemen, that the course of events will soon show, that the American people can elect a President without involving themselves either in a civil or a foreign war. The apprehension of such consequences indicates a very imperfect knowledge of the American char- acter and history. Such is my opinion ; but if any of you gentlemen participate in the panic, which you observe has taken place with regard to the future prospects of the United States, permit me to recommend to you, not to contribute in spreading and augmenting it by divulging opinions which, however speculative when proceeding from you, have a tendency to impair the prices of the American funds in this country.
I have seen the accounts of the French Directory's having refused to receive Mr. Pinckney, but with no such declara- tion concerning Mr. Monroe as that which you mention. I believe that In this particular you have been misinformed.
It is not surprising that this circumstance should have affected the prices of the American funds here, but as in all probability it will not be followed by anything more im- portant, I am persuaded the impression will be temporary, and the stocks will soon rise to their former level. Such fluctuations are to be regretted but cannot be prevented. . . .
I am Gentlemen, etc.
TO JOHN ADAMS
The Hague, December 24, 1796. • ••••••
I have mentioned that one of the motives of the French Directory In their late proceeding ^ is to influence the Ameri-
^ The refusal to receive Pinckney,
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 65
can election, or to embarrass the new administration. There is an opinion propagated with great zeal and industry in every part of Europe, that the union and prosperity of the United States are dependent altogether upon the personal character, merits, and popularity of the present President, and that the moment he shall retire from the government wc shall fall into irreconcilable dissensions, which will soon be followed by a separation of the northern from the southern states. In England and France, perhaps among some people in this country, these ideas are not simple opinions ; they have ripened into hopes. For whatever affections our countrymen may indulge in their hearts for this or that Euro- pean nation, they may assure themselves that they are to all objects of fear and envy. The prosperity of the American people has become a reproach to the rulers of Europe, whether monarchical or republican, and prosperity generates envy among nations no less than among individuals. A paragraph has appeared in one of the late English newspapers, purporting to be founded on a letter from New York written in October, and announcing that troubles and confusions were expected to take place upon the approaching election for President; that the salutary advice of the present Presi- dent's address to the people did not appear to have made any impression upon them; that in every State there was some particular favorite but no union, no public spirit ; and that the division of the States would be the probable con- sequence of these symptoms. This account has been re- peated In one of the gazette's here, and coming just at the same time with the hostile declaration of the French Direc- tory, has gratified or alarmed all those who from sentiment or interest take any notice of our affairs. It has produced an effect upon the stocks, though I have endeavored as far as I have been able to counteract the impression. 1 have,
VOL. II F
(£ THE WRITINGS OF [1796
Indeed, no letters from which I can form any opinion what- ever upon the state of our public affairs, and all my authentic Intelligence Is generally six weeks or two months older than that which is current among the merchants. . . . I am &c.
TO JOHN ADAMS
The Hague, December 30, 1796. My Dear Sir :
The inclosed extract of a letter from Paris which has been
communicated to me contains certain paragraphs from the
Redacteur, a newspaper used by the French Directory for
their official and non-official publications. It explicitly
denies, you will observe, that the Directory have determined
to suspend their intercourse with the government of the
United States. It is among those paragraphs ^ which come
from an official source without being encumbered with
official responsibility. It serves to unfold more clearly the
^ The paragraphs continued thus : "The personal complaints which one govern- ment may have to object against another cannot be a motive for a rupture between nations essentially allies and friends, and who having in given times a necessary in- fluence upon the acts of their representatives, cannot delay reuniting together at the voice of a common interest.
"Assuredly the French are not insensible to the testimonies of affection and of interest which the great majority of the citizens of a state in the prosperity of which they cherish their own work, have given to their cause. They will never forget that notwithstanding the unhappy suggestions, it passed only by a plurality of two votes, X.\i3it fatal treaty which has placed the Americans under the tutelage of the English, and which contrary to the faith of the Treaty of Alliance, which was to be the price and guarantee of their liberty, has granted to the commerce of the latter and to their military provisionings, advantages and facilities refused to France. They appeal to time, which will destroy all calumnies, to the reason of a people already fatigued with the new yoke of the English; they appeal in fine to their triumphs, which ought to dissipate the terrors of a pusillanimous policy, and silence the cal- culations of an interest ill-understood." This translation was sent in Adams' letter to the Secretary of State, of December 28, 1796.
1796] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 67
motives and expectations of the French government, as well as to corroborate the concert between them and the enemies to the government of the United States, which I have long seen forming, of which I have often given you my opinion, and the completion of which, as discovering itself in this transaction, was intimated to you in my last letter. How this concert was effected, and how far its future projects ex- tend, I can easily conjecture, but it Is not at present neces- sary to Inquire. The present and immediate object of this measure is evident; to influence the choice of President in the United States, and if it cannot turn the election, to em- barrass the new administration, and rally all its opponents under the standard of France. You see there is a pointed address to the minority of the House of Representatives, and an invitation to them whenever they can rise to a majority, to usurp upon the executive functions, and be sure of the support of France. The objections against "the fatal treaty which passed only by a majority of two votes," arc all taken you see from the mouths of the American opposcrs to the government. The pretence that the treaty gives the British commercial advantages and facilities for their military provisionment denied to France, though stated in general terms for the sake if possible of eluding refutation, is In such direct opposition to truth, that it only serves to show that no scruple of morality can interpose an impediment in the political conduct of those who advance it. Yet they have not even the address or the countenance to dwell upon this article; It Is the British tutelage, the British yoke, upon which they lay their principal stress. They appeal to the reason of our people and to their own triumphs, to dissipate the terrors of a pusillanimous policy ; It is for our own sakcs that they take all this generous concern In our welfare, and they contemplate their own work in our prosperity.
68 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
And thus the American government Is to abandon the solemn engagements of the United States, and involve them in an inevitable war, which must ruin their commerce, and check if not destroy their prosperity, because it suits the good will and pleasure of the French Directory, and because France, by sacrificing not only her commerce and prosperity, but millions of her own lives and all that can render life valuable to the remainder, has obtained some triumphs which are still very far from being secured.
The violation of the British treaty and a war with Britain, therefore, are what the French government wish to provoke. The House of Representatives is the instrument which they intend to use, and the Comte d'Avaux's policy, fear, the fear of their displeasure, the motive which they purpose to in- spire. We shall see how they will succeed.
At the same time with this letter from Paris came the account that the Directory ordered Lord Malmesbury to withdraw within forty-eight hours. ^ They have not however ventured to break up the negotiation entirely, every cir- cumstance contributes to prove that they wish to continue the war with Britain, but at the same time fear the wishes of their own people for peace. I send you the papers con- taining the last papers published in the course of the negotia- tion.2 You will plainly see that they are determined to avoid a peace, if they can.
If when this and my late letters reach you, they find you still in the service of the public, I hope they may contribute
1 December 19. Malmesbury was sent to Paris in October, with instructions to insist on the restoration of Belgium to Austria as a preliminary of peace. This condition was out of the question, and further, the Directory had on December 16 despatched a fleet from Brest to make a descent upon Ireland. To negotiate under that condition was not likely to lead to results tending to peace.
2 See Official Copies of the Correspondence of Lord Malmesbury and the Directory of France . . . relative to the Negotiations for Peace, London, 1796.
1796] JOHN QUINCV ADAMS 69
to give you some little information of utility. If you arc not, they can do no harm. France in that case will have answered one purpose for herself and her party, though I fondly cherish the hope that even then, the ultimate objects of both will be disappointed.
Should you still hold a public station, it needs no obser- i vation on my part to convince you of the delicate situation in which the Government will be placed to preserve the firm- ness, the spirit, and the dignity, which must not be aban- doned, and to avoid at the same time a rupture with France. There is but too much reason to suppose that the opposition party in America will provoke and negotiate such a rupture, rather than abandon their designs ; they have acquired a footing too firm with the French government, and much caution, much prudence, much candor, and moderation will be necessary to counteract prepossessions which have been artfully instilled, and demonstrate interests which have been misrepresented. The friendship of France 7nay, I have no doubt, be still recovered; but not by submission to her caprices, or by acquiescence in her exclusive preferences. A full, clear, and explicit denial of any commercial advantages or facilities of military provisionment to the British is indis- pensable ; for, as this is the only color of a rational complaint that they have exhibited, it is necessary as it is easy to take it completely from them.
You will find by the papers that the expedition from Brest has sailed. Its destination is yet unknown.' The amended
1 The expedition under Hochc, which left Brest December 16. to Und troop, in Ireland. A part of the fleet reached Bantry Bay, but a storm diipcncd ihcm. and they were forced to return without having accomrlishcd anything.
"America is mv countr>-; there all my hopes and all my intention, center, i and I know not of any misfortune that could befal myself pcrwnally. which I should consider more severe than that of being condemned to a con.tant rc.idcnct in any part of Europe. The inclinations of my friends arc perfectly coincident with
JO THE WRITINGS OF I1797
Constitution was yesterday reported to the National As- sembly here. The discussion is to begin next week.
Your dutiful son.
TO JOSEPH PITCAIRN
The Hague, January 10, 1797. My Dear Sir:
The last post from Paris brought me your favor of the 31st ultimo. I think Mr. Pinckney's determination not to leave the post of his designation without a formal order perfectly proper. After what I have seen, there is no insult from the French government that could in any manner sur- prise or be unexpected. They are, indeed, determined to try the temper of the American people, and I hope that convic- tion will result from their experiment.
The address of Mr. Monroe to the President of the Direc- tory and his answer have appeared in the French papers since the date of your last.^ If it is possible to raise a pre- tension to national superiority on one part, and of national dependence on the other, in any words that language can
my own, and they have more than once intimated to me a wish to have me return home as speedily as possible. This is my own settled determination, which I shall effect whenever my duty to the public, and to your interest, will permit." John Quincy Adams to Miss Louisa C. Johnson, December 31, 1796. Ms.
^ See Monroe, J'iew of the Conduct of the Executive, 397. Barras was then President. "You will long ago have seen Mr. Monroe's address of leave, and the Directories answer. The first has appeared to the Americans generally agreeable, but the French say that no refusal of Mr. Pinckney discharged him of the duty to mention his mission. The reply is as yet without an advocate, intentionally dark, proud boastings, invidious assumptions, threats and offers of peace (without a war), mark high pretentions, schemes unripe, and angry minds. Their personal com- pliment to Mr. Monroe (if they wish him well) is equally misplaced ; for it implies that he has advocated principles his government denied, or censured measures it I has thought fit to pursue." Joseph Pitcairn to John Quincy Adams, Paris, Janu- i ary 6, 1797. Ms.
1797] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 7,
use, it is raised in the Director's [Barras] speech. Accord- ing to him France would abase herself in discussing with America questions concerning the interest of both, and why ? Because France is surrounded by a retinue of victories, and rich with the opulence of her allies. Is this the language of friendship ? Is it a proper language even for justly offended friendship ? Is it the language that a member of one govern- ment has a right to address to another independent govern- ment ? Is it language that even in the bitterness and rancor of a deadly war they have used to their most inveterate enemy's government ? No, it is the language of an assumed pre- tence of superiority, which the aiTectation of regard for the good people of America poorly countervails. The Director further pretends that the American people owe their liberty to France. The pretence is false and unjust. It rests upon a principle of dependence which the American people never would have submitted to.
The American people carried on for three years their struggle against Great Britain alone, and they were the three most trying and most dangerous years of the war. At the time when they solemnly declared their independence, when their Representatives in Congress pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor in its support, France was so far from giving them any assistance, that the policy of her government was coolly settled to be, that the Americans should be compelled to return to subjection. Docs the Directory think that the Americans have never seen the secret memorial of Mr. Turgot, from which this fact is established indisputably .? Does the Directory forget the declaration Df their own predecessors, the Executive Council ; have they Forgotten the declaration of their own national Convention, to the President of the United States, of that very national Convention from which they themselves have been selected,
72 THE WRITINGS OF I1797
that the support, which the ancient Court of France lent them In the war for their Independence, was merely the fruit of a base speculation ("n'etalt que le fruit d'une vile specu- lation") ? Or have the Directory, with many other parts of the system pursued by the French monarchy, pursued that of Vergennes and Montmorin, "dans le tems meme ou ce bon peuple nous exprimait de la maniere la plus touchante son amitie et sa reconnaissance." The President of the Di- rectory has done more ; for however mischievous the designs of Vergennes and Montmorin were against the United States, they never advanced a pretension that France abased her- self in treating with them, or amicably discussing common concerns with their government. They never pretended that America owed her liberty to France. On the contrary, they formally disclaimed every idea both of superiority and dependence, and the Treaty of February 6, 1778, expressly declares, that the basis of the arrangements established between the two countries are the most perfect equality and reciprocity, avoiding all burdensome preferences as a source of dissensions, embarrassments, and discontents. The date of that treaty, more than nineteen months after the Americans had declared their independence, sufficiently shows that we never did depend upon France for our liberty. It was not until the Americans had proved, by compelling a British army of ten thousand men to surrender as prisoners of war, their ability to maintain their cause alone, that the speculation at the French Court changed its views, and they espoused a cause at the moment when they became convinced that it would sooner or later prevail, whether they espoused it or not.
I do not observe that the Paris papers, although they dis- cuss most of the measures of the Directory, have taken the proper notice of this very strange speech of Barras. I wish
I
1797] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS
73
that some opportunity might be found to introduce into some accredited journal some observations, similar to those I have here mentioned. The Directory affect to address themselves to the American people^ in contradistinction to the govern- ment. T think that much good might be derived from a fair and moderate discussion, to enlighten the public opinion of France concerning the conduct of their Directory towards the United States. I think it impossible that the French people shouldbe willing to support such conduct,or encourage such language, if the plain and simple story of truth were laid before them. As to the foundation of the tone of insult and menace assumed by the Directory, it still remains a secret to me, and I believe to the whole world. "The con- descension of the American government for the suggestions of their ancient tyrants," is as vague, as unintelligible (I might say as artistement obscur), as the claim of superiority is unjust, and the pretence of dependence unsupported. You observe that the grievance must be, that the British are now admitted by treaty to a participation of somr of the advantages possessed by the French. But our treaty with France expressly stipulates, that both parties shall reserve to themselves respectively the liberty to allow a participation at its own choice of all commercial advantages to other nations ; and the treaty with Britain as expressly stipulates, that none of its articles shall be construed to militate with any previous engagement of either party. As for the right of selling prizes in our ports, without renewing discussions which must be interminable, upon a construction which, after all, each party must make within its own terri- tories ; if a difference of construction on this article is the substantial ground upon which a French Director under- takes to menace us with the victories and the riches of France, it should be publicly known.
74
THE WRITINGS OF [1797
The article of the treaty should be given, and the sub- stantial reasons assigned on each side to support its con- struction should be fairly stated. If those of the American government have been weak or captious, evasive or insincere, let them be shown to the world in their deformity, and then let the French Directory without abasement declare the con- sequences, and threaten the resentment of the rich and victorious Republic of France. But if riches or victories are considered as warranting the rejection of amicable dis- cussion, the avowed claim of national superiority and the pretence of fastening upon us the shackles of dependence, I trust the Directory will in time discover that there are men who will resist usurpation and spurn at encroachment no less than themselves, and that the American government will no more submit to a modern than it ever yielded to an ancient tyrant.
I remain &c.
TO JOSEPH PITCAIRN
The Hague, January 13, 1797. Dear Sir :
Since I wrote you on the loth instant I have received your obliging favor of the 6th, and find our sentiments perfectly concur upon the singular speech of the Director Barras to \Ir. Monroe. What Mr. Monroe's opinion may be of per- sonal compliments to him, coupled with scorn and indignity to his country and the Government which employed him, is not my business to inquire. I have hoped he would re- member above all that he was an American, and as he boasts his military services against one nation, his hatred of which I believe nobody doubts, that he would not contribute to the servility of his own country towards another nation, however ardent his own attachment to its interests, or his
1797] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 75
inclination to gratify its will might be. It is very evident that the French government will do for him all that it can. I presume he is prepared to return the same for them. The Frenchmen who, as you observe, think he ought to have men- tioned Mr. Pinckney's mission, do not perhaps reflect that it might have displeased the Directory. The reason is indeed not sufficient, but it might in that instance be effectual.
Your idea that the design is to produce a suspension of our trade with Great Britain is extremely probable, and it has been my settled opinion for many months ; but it is not possible to convince France that, if the Americans must choose, their interest will necessarily compel them to take the British commerce with peace, in preference to the friend- ship of France and war. Cannot the Directory see, that If they will proceed in such a manner as they are now going on, they may drive America into alliance with their enemies ; or is it the intention of the Directory to lose all the friends that France ever had .'* Do they think of nothing but stretch- ing a string, without recollecting that beyond a certain ten- sion it must break ? Such indeed seem to be their pre- possessions. I wish that time and further reflection may remove them.
The absurdity and inconsistency which you notice in the arguments for attacking Britain, now because she is too strong, and now too weak ; at this moment, because her power is in the agonies of death, and at the next, because nothing less than a universal combination of the whole earth can resist it, is indeed glaring, and equally destitute of foundation in both extremes. The power of Britain is great, and deserves to be counteracted by the general and concurring policy of all commercial nations. I have no doubt of the universal dis- position to promote this object, nor of the means which
76 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
this disposition would willingly concert; but it is not by going to war for a freak of France to increase her territories and extend her conquests, that any nation will pursue its commercial interest; not by exposing commerce to imme- diate destruction, that its future protection is to be secured. France, it seems, wishes us to burn our barns, for fear of being robbed of their corn. No, it will never do. But the arguments which are used to prove the weakness of Britain are so far founded, that they may really tend to diminish the concern at her extraordinary naval power. The burthen of debt, the internal discontents, the character of the ap- parent successor to the Crown, and the state of society and manners in England, all serve to encourage the expectation, j that if the island is left to itself, it will have other more urgent objects of pursuit than that of engrossing the whole commerce of the world. Let France undertake a general concert of maritime power by treaties made in peace, with- out intermingling the conquest of Belgium, and the frontier of the Rhine in the project, and she will not find it difficult to succeed. But then she must not insult those whom she wishes to persuade, nor talk of abasing herself by discus- sions with an independent nation.
Of Mr. Pinckney's reception for the present I have no expectation whatever, but, after what has happened, I shall not be surprised if the further indignity should be added of ordering him away. But I do not believe that the American government will appoint any other Minister. Mr. Pinckney's personal character is universally respected and beloved, as far as I have ever heard of it. His political sentiments are known to be as friendly to the harmony between the United States and France, as those of any man can be, as favorable to the interests of France, as is possibly consistent with his patriotism. If the Directory want more, it is not proper
,797] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 77
that they should be gratified, and certainly they cannot wish for less. I have not the most distant idea that Mr. Jeffer- son will yield in this point, more than any other man. , . .
I have letters from America of October 28. I presume that the recall of Adet had not then arrived. I observe that it has been denied from authority by the Redacteur, that all communication was suspended between the governments of France and the United States. I feel a considerable con- fidence that good would result, if a true statement of the Directory's refusal of Mr. Pinckney and their total destitu- tion of reasonable ground, or even pretext for it, were made known to the public. For as so flagrant an insult as that, with the speech of Barras, was scarcely ever offered to a free and independent nation, so that world ought to know, that there never was an insult more wanton or unprovoked. . . .
TO JOHN ADAMS
The Hague, January 14, 1797. My Dear Sir :
I received yesterday your favor of October 28, and it is by several weeks the latest letter that I have from America. It tells me that the elections were going on with as little bitterness as could be expected, and this in the present circumstances is grateful intelligence. But all my American correspondents, public and private, as they appear to care nothing about the affairs of Europe, seem alike to think us indifferent to those of America. This inattention will even- tually produce consequences very serious to our country and its government.
There are others who feel the importance of European intercourse and an incessant vigilance towards it more forcibly, and cultivate it more assiduously. They have at
^g THE WRITINGS OF [1797
least succeeded to make hard work for the government of the United States. In my letters to you last summer will be found as clear an anticipation as my observations could discover and my reflections combine of the events which are now taking place. I have not been silent on the subject to the Secretary of State, Of nearly thirty letters which I have written him since my return from England, I have an acknowl- edgment that four have been received. In one of your late letters it is intimated .to me that the correspondence has not been on my part sufficiently frequent with the Treasury Department. I shall endeavor to avoid that complaint in future, but I hope it will be considered just that some sug- gestion should be made to me of the objects upon which in- formation is desired, some instructions upon which a cor- respondence can be founded, and some sort of returns to the earnest solicitations which my letters have contained of measures to direct my conduct, and to provide for the punctu- ality of the United States in this country. To an urgent letter from me to the Secretary of the Treasury, written on the 13th of last June, I am still panting for an answer. The provision which I so long since entreated to be made in season has been now nearly two months defective. I am assaulted by dunning creditors on one side, by impatient bankers on the other, and month after month elapses in profound silence of advices or remittances from America. While the payments are failing, rumors of troubles and dissensions in the United States spread abroad, the funds depreciate, I am called upon from every quarter to know what the real accounts from thence are, and have only to confess that my accounts are two or three months in arrear of the current course.
It is not for the pleasure of complaining that I mention these circumstances ; but on the one hand, I regret that
1797] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 79
a want of these reciprocal communications disenables me from so useful a discharge of my duty as my own wishes would dictate; and on the other, that I sometimes take great pains to compare and combine symptoms that occur in Europe to announce what an attentive correspondence from America would inform me to be an old story there, thoroughly under- stood, and about which all my toils would be perfectly use- less. An instance of the last kind, considerably important, is that of the suspicions intimated in my letter to you N. 24.' When I wrote it I had not heard a syllable of the French project upon our western territory. But the concurrence of several circumstances which I then noticed to you con- vinced me, that something very pernicious to the United States was in agitation, though I could not precisely divine what it was. Afterwards, from the American newspapers when I received them, and especially from the President's address to the people, I found that I might spare myself the trouble of endeavoring to detect what was already abundantly discovered, and that it would be needless to lose myself in a chase of probabilities, to throw a new mite of conjecture into the settled balance of demonstration.
I have already written you an account of the refusal of the French Directory to receive Mr. Pinckney, and the apparent alliance between them and the internal enemies of the American government. But since my last letter Mr. Monroe has delivered his letters of recall, and upon that oc- casion made a speech which was answered by the President of the Directory, Barras. Mr. Monroe's address indicates what his language and conduct will be upon his return. The same unqualified devotion to the French will, which made him so confidential with Fauchet upon the parties within the United States before he set out upon his mission,
^ August 13, 1796.
8o THE WRITINGS OF [1797
has influenced him in this last transaction; and at the mo- | ment when a national indignity, outrageous as it was un- provoked, was offered to his country, he still condescends to flatter them, by an eulogy upon the generous services, which they themselves have long since publicly and officially de- clared to have been merely the fruit of a vile speculation; by a declaration as false as it is dishonorable to America, that the principles of their Revolution and of ours were the same; by an exulting reference to his military services in our war ; and by an ostentatious avowal of his partiality for the present cause of France, and all this without even hinting the mission of Mr. Pinckney, whose personal and patriotic merits are surely not inferior to his own. The answer of Barras is such that I scarcely know which it inspires most, of indignation at the design which it developes, or of con- tempt for the mode of its execution. In comparison with it the language of Genet was decency and modesty. The public opinion concerning it in Europe appears unanimous. I have not heard it mentioned by an individual but with disgust at its thrasonical bombast, and ridicule at its bully- ing menaces. This tone has been Instigated by their Ameri- can partisans, who have suggested to them that the American government and people must be frightened into a violation of their treaty with Britain and of their neutrality. The affectation of parade which was made on this occasion, the display of Ambassadors from Sardinia, from a Duke of Parma, and a Bey of Tunis, ^ the trophies from the battle of Areola, and the commandant of the national guards, all you may be sure were designed to look and sound very tre- mendous. They really think the American people not only
' Comte Balbo was ambassador from Sardinia; the Marquis del Campo was ambassador from Spain and charge d'affaires of the Duke of Parma ; and Mehemet Coggca was envoy from Hamonde Pacha, Bey of Tunis.
1797] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 8i
as ignorant of Europe as they themselves are of America, but moreover idiots and cowards, upon whom tinsel can with the utmost facility be palmed for bullion, and with whom a Bey of Tunis or an Infant Duke of Parma would furnish as potent a proof of the invincible prevalence of the French power, as the Empires of Austria, Russia, or Great Britain. In reality their selection of ambassadors to witness their triumph over Mr. Aionroe has in it something burlesque. Tremble, O ye people of America, for at the moment when a French Director announces the fury of France against your govern- ment, his Republic, rich by her liberty, surrounded by a ret- inue of victories, and strong by the esteem of her allies, dis- plays before your eyes her dubious Italian trophies, and her expiatory embassies from the Duke of Parma and the Bey of Tunis ! All this in substance is perfectly ridiculous ; but coupled with the insolence of Barras's speech, with his pro- fessed distinction between the government and the people of the United States, with his compliments to Mr. Monroe, and his recommendation to him to go home and represent the American people there, it fully proves that the design of attack upon the government by a renewal of Genet's appeal to the people is prepared and concerted, so as to open upon the commencement of a new administration. They very evidently expect great effects from this manoeuvre; their American partisans in Europe already exult, as if our rupture with Great Britain was completely effected, the friends of our government are alarmed and fearful that they will be intimidated into submission, or abandoned by the people their only support ; that this patronage of France will give such weight to the efforts of faction that they will be no longer resistible, and the system of neutrality will necessarily be overturned. To say that I myself am with- out profound anxiety in this respect would be idle and false.
VOL. n G
82 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
The character, temper and conduct of the two last Houses of Representatives in Congress have made it impossible to discard apprehensions for the future, and the measures which the popular leaders of the antifederal party have adopted, sanctioned and justified, remove every hope that any scruple of independence, patriotism or justice will interfere between the views of France and their active exertions to support them.
I presume, however, that there is in the American govern- ment a spirit which will not tamely submit to be bullied out of its system, even by the combined insolence of a French Directory, with the utmost malignity of internal faction. I presume also, that a great majority of the American people will see through the object of this transaction, and despise the insidious attempt to separate and discriminate them from their government. I hope that to the future President of the United States, whoever he may be, the peace of his country, its honor, and its justice will be as dear as they are to the present, and while every honest voice is uttering admiration, and every humane heart ejaculating blessings to the name of Washington, that his successor, by exhibit- ing a continuance of the same wisdom, firmness and modera- tion, will prove to the sceptics in political speculation, that the American soil is fruitful of those virtues, and the Ameri- can people determined to support them.
A rupture of our treaty with Great Britain is in a manner the professed demand upon which the French Directory have made these recent terrific demonstrations ; a suspen- sion of our trade with Britain will perhaps be required, as a condition for a restoration of their good-will. That this is their clear design, I have long since written you. How far they will go to obtain their end, it is impossible to say. It will depend in a great measure upon the support they meet from their party in America. If our government
I
,797] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 83
discover a single symptom of a disposition to yield; or if the House of Representatives for the ensuing Congress should from its complexion encourage the hopes of obtain- ing a majority adverse to the system of the Executive, the Directory will not scruple at any measure of hostility which they may imagine, or be persuaded, will increase their in- fluence by the arguments of fear. It is painful to say it, but I am afraid it is true, that they will be instigated from America to repeat and accumulate hostilities to promote the purpose. But if the executive should maintain that dignified firmness and moderation which has hitherto distinguished it, and the Representatives more decidedly concur in the estab- lished system of neutrality than they have done, the French government will inevitably retreat, abandon their design of driving us into the war, and be willing to resume their ami- cable intercourse with that of the United States.
In forming this opinion, which is perfectly decided in my mind, I draw the conclusion both from their present mode of proceeding, and from their conduct hitherto with all the other neutral nations. My letters of last summer have given you a detail of their proceedings to defeat all the neu- trality in Europe, and of their various success according as the neutral state was or was not totally in their power. In Florence, Venice, Genoa and Lucca they succeeded ; but in Sweden, in Denmark, in Turkey, and even in Prussia, they totally failed. Their experiment upon Sweden has probably thrown that power permanently into the Russian scale, and had they not desisted from their intrigues and menaces against Denmark, they would have met with the same disappointment there.
Notwithstanding their refusal to receive Mr. Pinckney, they have authorzed a public denial of the report that they had suspended all intercourse with the government of the
84 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
United States ; at the same time their affectation of court- ship to the people of the United States shows that their real object is only to intimidate, and indeed in their present situation, however they may bluster, they have no inclina- tion to increase the number of their enemies.
In order to defeat the views of further hostility which may be urged by the domestic enemies of the government, and to deter the Directory from proceeding any further, It appears to me a very important and very effectual measure would be for the American government, by the means of some official paper, to expose, in a clear and explicit manner, the total want of provocation by them that would palliate the injustice and insolence of the Directory ; to show beyond the power of refutation, as might be done with perfect ease, that France has not the smallest pretext for a rupture ; to state the unquestionable right of the United States to con- tract the engagements of the British treaty, and to disclaim in the most explicit manner every idea of violating any of the previous engagements with France; to prove that the British treaty itself protects every former stipulation with other powers, and at the same time decisively to repel every pretence that the United States were ever dependent upon France for anything more than obligations of reciprocal and equal alliance. An official paper of this kind, written with coolness and temper, like the letter demanding the re- call of Genet, would have a very favorable effect upon the public opinion of all Europe, and of France in particular, where the people are already heartily sick of war, and where upon the appearance of such a statement, the Directory would not dare take any further violent measures. For even now everybody Inquires what the United States have done, or what the occasion is of this conduct of the Directory ; nothing Is stated to the public, but a vague pretence of a more
1797] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 85
favorable stipulation for military provisionings to the British than to them, and an intimation of studied obscurity that the American government had condescended to the sug- gestions of their ancient tyrants. In the paper mentioned in my last letter this word suggestions is likewise used, when they say, that the "fatal treaty passed (in the House of Representatives) only by a majority of two," notwithstand- ing wretched suggestions. Perhaps you may not be aware that they mean by this word to intimate bribery. This is undoubtedly its meaning, and the obliquity of the expres- sion is for the sake of eluding the repulse of a just indigna- tion, which a direct assertion of the same thing would nat- urally rouse. But in another paper from the same source, and published alike in the Redacteur, they have produced the lie in all its naked malignity and deformity. For they charge Great Britain with endeavoring to overthrow the balance of Europe by abandoning Poland to its fate, and by enriching herself with the spoils of the French commerce, by a treaty perfidiously purchased — "par un traite perfide- ment achete."
Indeed, cruel and false as this Intimation Is, It cannot be surprising not only that they should advance, but even that they should believe It. During several months. If the con- curring reports of many different persons may be believed, Mr. Monroe made no scruple or hesitation to say In public and mixed companies, that he had not the smallest doubt but Mr. Jay was bribed to sign the treaty, and to one person he added that to his certain knowledge, when Mr. Jay was employed to negotiate for our navigation of the Mississippi, he did In fact negotiate against It.^ The French, alas 1 have
' This refers to the propositions made in 1786 to the Continental Congress when Secretary for Foreign Affairs. See Sparks, Diplomatic Correspondence, 1783-1789, III. 202 et seq.
86 THE WRITINGS OF [mi
but too clearly discovered that at least one man ^ high in the American government was not only susceptible of bribery, but capable of begging it; and where they had such satis- factory proof of a readiness for prostitution to them, it cannot be wondered that they should believe the imprudent and iniquitous prejudices of Mr. Monroe's opinions, of a like propensity in others, though towards a different direction.
You will however perceive in the present conduct of the Directory what sort of a disposition they bear towards an administration at the head of which you may be placed. They know perfectly well how inflexibly you maintained the honor and interest of America in former times against the insidious policy of Vergennes, and they know equally the consistency and firmness of character, which will alike main- tain the same cause against their more pernicious designs. Whatever, therefore, their artifices, working upon popular passions and concerted with antifederal partisans, can effect, you will take it for granted they will endeavor. Should the sufi"rages of the American people impose upon you the bur- then of the chief magistracy, It will be necessary to consider this as a settled point, as a source of embarrassments and obstacles, against which every possible counteracting pro- vision must be made. If the helm of our public affairs ) should be committed to other hands, they will certainly be more favored by the French Directory, so long as It shall be under the government of Sleyes ; but I hope they will not be found more ready to sacrifice the welfare of America to the humble pupil of Favler - and Franklin, than yours.
The Directory is composed of discordant materials, but they have divided their functions into several departments,
* Edmund Randolph.
* Jean Louis Favier (c. 1720-1784), author of an essay on the "Government of Holland" (1748), and another on the "Position of France in the Political System of Europe."
jl
1797] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 87
and the transaction of all business relative to each particu- lar department is left to one member. The department of the foreign aflFairs is thus held by Rewbell,^ a man of strong nerves and weak brain, altogether under the direction of Sieyes, whose cool head, unfeeling heart, and cowardly dis- position, have been noticed to you in former letters. He dared not take himself a seat which was offered him in the Directory, but he knew that the opinions of his old colleague would be at his disposal, and has accordingly always governed him. This circumstance is well known ; for Sieyes, having among his other qualities some vanity, takes care to have it understood that he is the manager of Rewbell. It seems to be a sort of association, in which each supplies the qualities denied to the other. One is the soul, and the other the body. One enjoys the profit and parade with the personal dangers of office, and the other has its management and conduct, but without its responsibility. Sieyes bears a personal ill-will to you, a political ill-will to the prosperity and union of the United States, and a speculative ill-will to the principles of our Constitution ; and with all these dispositions concurring together, no proof of malevolence that may hereafter be given will be unexpected to you. I have formerly suggested that no scruple of morality will interfere, to prevent the use of any means by which the French government may think a desirable end attainable, and my opinion is founded, not only upon their uniform conduct through all their Revolu- tions, but upon the professed principles avowed by the publi- cations of those who have been employed in the direction of their public affairs. The memoirs of Dumouriez, of Madame Roland, and of Garat, are full of proofs that this idea is not without foundation.
A resolution not to be moved, a candor and moderation
^ Jean-Franfois Rewbell (1747-1807).
88 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
not to be angered, a sincere regard for the welfare and wish for the friendship of France, with a temper not to be intimi- dated by menaces or forced by hostilities, unfolded clearly to the sense and understanding of all the world, I am con- vinced, would go far to disarm them of all the weapons upon the efficacy of which they now place their dependence. Something must be done, and I beg leave again to repeat the solicitation, that a more steady and systematic attention to the affairs of Europe in general may be paid by the govern- ment. The President, indeed, has told us, and I am pro- foundly convinced of the justice and importance of the advice, that we ought not to involve ourselves at all in the political systems of Europe, but to keep ourselves always distinct and separate from it. But even to effect this, constant and early information of the current events and of the political projects in contemplation is no less necessary than if we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary for the discovery of the efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in season to make preparations against them. From one of the quota- tions In this letter, it is observable that France very formally considers the United States as forming a weight in the balance of Europe. France must, therefore, necessarily conduct itself towards us upon this supposition. Britain will with ual certainty do the same. It behooves us to be the more cautious and vigilant to counteract all their intrigues and exertions on either side to make us the instruments or the victims of their conquering or plundering ambition. The late king of Prussia always answered with his own hand every dispatch from every one of his ministers abroad. If he had no Instructions to give, yet he never failed to acknowledge the receipt of the dispatch, and recommend to the minister a continuance of his zeal and Industry. The mere effect of such an example spreads in more than a geometrical ratio.
w its
17971 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 89
Negligence on one side creates it on the other, and I know from personal experience how readily indolence and careless- ness will creep in upon the steadiest resolutions of industry, with an apology derived from a reciprocal inattention. Un- til Mr. Pickering was appointed to the State Department my letters were scarcely ever answered, and of more than fifty letters that I wrote the receipt not of five was ever acknowl- edged. With regard to me and my mission, it might not be of material consequence ; but the case was the same with all the other ministers of the government in Europe; all were neglected, and it would have been but natural if many had been tempted thereby to inattention in return.
• ••••••
I am &c.
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
[Oliver Wolcott]
The Hague, January 20th, 1797.
Sir:
• •«.•••
The great prevalence of easterly winds for the last three months has been the occasion that all the vessels from America have had long passages, and accounts for the ex- traordinary time elapsed between the date and reception of the present remittances. At the same time I beg leave to suggest, that the common accidents of an Atlantic voyage make it indispensable for the maintenance of punctuality, that the remittances destined for the provision of any par- ticular payment be dispatched from America at least two months before the day when that payment becomes de- mandable. And I cannot in terms too forcible urge the importance of invariable punctuality in the European pay- ments. I hope it will not be deemed impertinent, though
90 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
it may perhaps be superfluous, to observe that among the favorite pursuits of the more inveterate enemies to the govern- ment of the United States, that of perplexing the operations of their finances, and depriving it of the credit of regularity, is not the least persevering or inflexible. I may add, that at the present moment and in this country credit is power. It would not be surprising if a foreign power of very effica- cious influence here should be now inclined, and should for some time to come labor to procure the show of a political variance between this Republic and the government of the United States, and there is nothing that can so strongly contribute to counteract such